Brishti Snan: Monsoon and Rain Bathing

palashbiswaskl — Thu, 12 Jun 2008 18:06:38 +0000

Brishti Snan: Monsoon and Rain Bathing

Troubled Galaxy Destroyed dreams: Chapter Nine

Palash Biswas

http://www.troubledgalaxydetroyeddreams.blogspot.com/

Taatai, my four year friend next door often opens the doors of my Memories lost in the Ivory Towers of Past.

It was a clear day.

Sun in the mid sky.

No clouds around.

No wind at all.

Kolkata Humidity envelop with full quotient of Pollution was suffocating enough. I had the full dose of Morning News updates Print as well as Electronic. suddenly the Kid called me across the fence.

Tatai asked, ` Have you taken your bath Jethu?’

He was opening the daylong sequence of conversations.

I simply answered,` Not as yet, dear! I am going to have it! What about you?’

`I had the Brishti Snan,’ he replied with maximum glee.

I could not understand the meaning as it was not raining. Though weather forecast sounds like continuous knocking of Monsoon days in this part of the World.

`Brishti Snan? What is it, Tatai?’

Ha! Ha! Ha! He was laughing! Then he added, `You know nothing!’

Mallicka, her mother was in the Kitchen. She interfered at this point and saved the day for me.

It was Bangla Bandh second day. Against the latest Hike in Petrol rates! First, the ruling Left Front closed all avenues of daily routine. Now it is the turn for the opposition. Tatai is enjoying Summer vacations. Today, his dad Mithu was at home. So, his grand father Dadai was also stranded.

Tatai had taken his bath under Showers in the Bathroom!

The Father and the son has blocked humidity with this domestic style.

My Visual camera zoomed violently and I landed in the Monsoon days of my Childhood immediately! I used to be rather busy all the season as it was the most proper time to plant Rice paddies in our fields. We used to have the Brishti Snan under the open sky in our green fields flooded with water or mud.

Even during my college days, we all young students in Nainital despised the use of Umbrella. We always enjoyed Monsoon. With Monsoon Football season started. Then Basketball,Hockey and Cricket tournaments.

We never faced any political Bandh in those days of early sixties. Nehru, Shashtri, Dr Radhakrishnan and a number of Political leaders were our Icons. We never knew any Brand. Markets never interfered in our daily routine.Well, we lacked communication as even today, all over the Himalayas connectivity happens to be the greatest headache. Yes, we had no avenue of information in those days. Hence, we put everything on stake just in the quest for knowledge!

Green revolution was also far away.

Pant Nagar University was established just seven KM away. But we had to cross dense forest.

In those days we used Desi seeds of rice Paddies. TILAK was a popular variety. It was small in size but was full of scent. Hansraj was the most popular species. It looked like Dehradoon Rice. Just like Basmati. The plants were very lengthy. Wind would create disaster in Hansraj fields.

My father would claim, `You haven`t seen the real length of Rice Paddies at all!’

In Narail, our family used to harvest in the Bill, the lakes. They would use the longest variety of Rice paddies. It could be six to eight meters in height. They used Boats to reap the harvest. Nearest bazar was ITNA.

Kumordanga was famous for the potters, the Palas. They used to create anything with clay.

My father often boasted for his swiftness in water harvesting.

I was basically entrusted for surveillance in our fields to protect the harvests, seeds and plants from insects, birds and even wild animals. I did most of my readings in our fields.

We used to have Brishti Snan trough out Monsoon round the clock. As it was time for rice paddies and irrigation as well. Most of Indian peasant used to depend upon rain Water for farming. All rivers were free to flow in streams and Big dams were the stories all about Bhakhra Nangal and Rihand. We had not seen any big dam in our childhood.

Today morning I received a phone call from the Burning Ghat in Basantipur. My younger brother Padm Loachan was on the line. He reminded me that 12th June happens to be the death anniversary of my father, the refugee and peasant leader from Uttarakhand Terai. The Rural Population gathered there to pay homage to their leader. All my Villagers were there. everyone wanted to talk to me. It happens to be my Joint Family for full five decades of my life. Kartic Kaka, the popular most Jatra artist in Terai talked to me and informed that all of them were leaving for Dineshpur where the main ceremony is arranged before the Statue of pulin Babu.

Well, it is not raining anyway. but i have a strong feel of Brishti Snan. This divided bleeding Geopolitics is united by Monsoon. It is an overall omnipresent effect from south Asia to South East Asia.

I have the feel of rain bathing as it enables to touch and feel the warmth of all Asian Black Untouchable Peasant communities who are United rock solid in destiny.

Monsoon clouds always breaks the discipline of Political borders!

My father exists no more. I have to bear his legacy of lifelong struggle. I have to bear the displaced, persecuted identity lifelong.

My Communities are not liberated as yet. different political systems in different geopolitics not only enslaved them, but the Ultimate Kill is working with Globalisation spring!

Monsoon always helps the Roots. We, the uprooted people are deprived of our roots. We are deprived of our history and geography. Our mother tongue and racial, caste and community identities. We are the tools of Power Politics and victimised by the ruling Hegemony.

Even today, in an environment of bamboo blooming like Globalisation, Monsoon happens to be the lifeline for us, the global working class fighting against apartheid, caste system and imperialism. We are burnt in Wars and Civil wars. We are massacred in Metroes and SEZ. We suffer from gas tragedy. We are targeted by Biological, Chemical and Nuclear weapons.

Monsoon unites us.

Thus, it is very opportune to go back in History, the subaltern legacy of our militant ancestors.

The memories of my father are never detached from our people scattered worldwide.

These memories are real Rain Bathing , a perfect Brishti Snan for me!

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia: A monsoon is a seasonal prevailing wind which lasts for several months. The term was first used in English in India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, and neighboring countries to refer to the big seasonal winds blowing from the Indian Ocean and Arabian Sea in the southwest bringing heavy rainfall to the region.^[1] In hydrology, monsoon rainfall is considered to be that which occurs in any region that receives the majority of its rain during a particular season. This allows other regions of world such as within North America, South America. Sub-Saharan Africa, Australia and East Asia to qualify as monsoon regions.^[2] In terms of total precipitation and total area covered, the monsoons affecting the Indian subcontinent dwarf the North American monsoon. The South Asian monsoon affects larger number of people due to the high density of population in this part of the world.

Monsoons are caused by the larger amplitude of the seasonal cycle of land temperature compared to that of nearby oceans. This differential warming happens because heat in the ocean is mixed vertically through a "mixed layer" that may be fifty meters deep, through the action of wind and buoyancy-generated turbulence, whereas the land surface conducts heat slowly, with the seasonal signal penetrating perhaps a meter or so. Additionally, the specific heat of liquid water is significantly higher than that of most materials that make up land. Together, these factors mean that the heat capacity of the layer participating in the seasonal cycle is much larger over the oceans than over land, with the consequence that land warms faster and reaches a higher temperature than the ocean.^[10] The hot air over the land tends to rise, creating an area of low pressure. This creates a steady wind blowing toward the land, bringing the moist near-surface air over the oceans with it. Similar rainfall is caused by the moist ocean air being lifted upwards by mountains, surface heating, convergence at the surface, divergence aloft, or from storm-produced outflows at the surface. However the lifting occurs, the air cools due expansion in lower pressure, which in turn produces condensation.

In winter, the land cools off quickly, but the ocean keeps the heat longer. The hot air over the ocean rises, creating a low pressure area and a breeze from land to ocean while a large area of drying high pressure is formed over the land, increased by wintertime cooling.^[10] Monsoons are similar to sea and land breezes, a term usually referring to the localized, diurnal (daily) cycle of circulation near coastlines everywhere, but they are much larger in scale, stronger and seasonal.^[11]

The Arabian Sea Branch of the SW Monsoon first hits the Western Ghats of the coastal state of Kerala, India and hence Kerala is the first state in India to receive rain from the South-West Monsoon. This branch of the monsoon moves northwards along the Western Ghats giving rain to the coastal areas west of the Western Ghats. It is to be noted that the eastern parts of the Western Ghats do not receive much rain from this monsoon as the wind does not cross the Western Ghats.

View of south-west monsoon rain in Kerala.

The Bay of Bengal Branch of SW Monsoon flows over the Bay of Bengal heading towards North-Eastern India and Bengal, picking up more moisture from the Bay of Bengal. Its hits the Eastern Himalaya and provides a huge amount of rain to the regions of North-East India, Bangladesh and West Bengal. Mawsynram, situated on the southern slopes of the Eastern Himalaya in Shillong, India is one of the wettest places on Earth. After striking the Eastern Himalaya it turns towards the West, travels over the Indo-Gangetic Plain, at a rate of roughly 1-2 weeks per state^{[citation needed]}, pouring rain all along its way.

The monsoon accounts for 80 percent of the rainfall in the country^{[citation needed]}. Indian agriculture (which accounts for 25 percent of the GDP and employs 70 percent of the population) is heavily dependent on the rains, especially crops like cotton, rice, oilseeds and coarse grains. A delay of a few days in the arrival of the monsoon can, and does, badly affect the economy, as evidenced in the numerous droughts in India in the 90s.

The monsoon is widely welcomed and appreciated by city-dwellers as well, for it provides relief from the climax of summer in June. However, because of the lack of adequate infrastructure in place, most major cities are often adversely affected as well. The roads, already shoddy, take a battering each year; houses and streets at the bottom of slopes and beside rivers are waterlogged, slums are flooded, and the sewers and the rare hurricane drain start to back up and pour out toxic filth rather than drain it away. This translates into various minor casualties most of the time; lack of city infrastructure coupled with changing climate patterns also causes severe damage to and loss of property and life. Bangladesh and some regions of India like in Assam and places of West Bengal experiences heavy flood, which claims huge number of lives and huge loss of property and causes severe damage to economy, as evidenced in the Mumbai floods of 2005. Also in the recent past, areas in India that used to receive scanty rainfall throughout the year, like the Thar Desert, have surprisingly ended up receiving floods due to the prolonged monsoon season.

June 1 is regarded as the date of onset of the monsoon in India, which is the average date on which the monsoon strikes Kerala over the years for which scientific data is available with the Indian Meteoreological Department.

Sarat Chandra, a Bengali novelist of the first half of the 20th century, has described the landscape of his southern Bengal Region and has interacted through his characters a deep psychological response appropriate to the region and time. His work forms an excellent resource base to reconstruct the region of his time and establish phenomenological relationship through the feelings expressed by the characters of his novels. Sarat Chandra's Home Region is a stream-filled area with people's activity directed to agriculture, though Calcutta was already established as a center of westernization and modernization. Feudal exploitation, Zamindars' tyrrany, degenerative caste-division, child marriage, prohibition of widow's right to remarry, decaying extended family and losing person-to-person relationship of the traditional Bengal were some of the characteristics of the regional cultural geography. The cities, particularly Calcutta, had started to show signs of modernization: industries, equal rights to women, widow re-marriage and elitist ideas. Bramho Samaj was pioneering the social modernization. In summation, the Home Region, being a transitional stage of decaying feudalism and incipient industrialization, was engaged in a struggle between the old and the new, decadent traditional and modern, rural and urban, caste rigidity and liberal social customs, religious fanaticism and rationalism. Sarat Chandra's work, particularly, provides an inroad to understand the cultural aspects of his Home Region.

That day, I was amongst a Faridpur Family from Orakandi. The Old man of the family refreshed my knowledge once again as he presented the landscape as well as Human scape. He was a trader. Sabita, my wife`s ancestral village was in Orakandi itself. The old man belonged to Arokandi nearby. He ferried on the waters of Madhumati.

The Old man has a three story building near Barrackpur RLY station. Talpukur. His son is an engineer and is working in United states of America. His elder daughter lives in Mumbai. Her hHusband Mr Tikadar happens to be my friend. Both the families crossed the border after partition and settled in Bangao subdivision, originally a part of greater Jassore, now in West Bengal. My friend introduced me to his in laws. The house has a Harichand Guruchand temple in the uppermost floor. They have organised a Harisabha in the Posh area.

I have heard so many myths about Narial. There happened a village named Lakhi Pasha, meaning the bangles of the Goddess Laxmi, Hindu Goddess of Wealth. The myth is all about taming the goddess in a Namoshudra House. She remained there with Her bangles.

And there was a Padm Bill, the lake of Lotus. It is famous for the riots between the most militant East Bengal Peasant caste, the Namoshudras and the Muslims for a Hindu Muslim Love story. The Love story is well depicted in the poetry of Jasimuddin, in Naqshi Kanthar Maath and Sozan Badiar Ghat. These classic works of Bengali poetry are also an exposure of the Caste Hindu Zamindar Class. Who used the peasants against one another and the religious riots were always sponsered by them.

In Sozan Badiaar Ghat, the Zamindar distributed the flowers from the Garland of Goddess Kali amongst the Namoshudra Peasants as they were not ready to fight against their converted Muslim Brothers. A Namoshudra girl eloped with a Muslim Boy. The Zamindar made an issue of it. It was a fierce fight amongst the Peasnts of Jassore and Faridpur. At the end, the peasants were destroyed and the land was the property of the Zamindar, a market place! These are the seeds planted for the partition as well as Globalisation.

Namashudras and Paundras have suffered the most bleeding, violent displacement in History only to be comapred with the Palestine. The paundras had their settlements in and around Sundarbans area.Sundarbans is the name given to a beautiful forest or a forest in which the Sundari tree (Heritiera fomes) grows. At the early stages of the history of the area, the entire Bengal basin was submerged under the sea and sedimentation from the Ganges-Brahmaputra river systems created a landmass, which is today’s Bengal Delta. The first Sundari trees presumably first took root below the Rajmahal Hills, establishing the northern extent of the Sundarbans in history.

The Bengal Delta was originally occupied by vast stretches of grassland filled with saline marshes and tropical wetlands containing one of the worlds' largest stretches of biodiversity-rich forests – the Bengalian Rainforest. These forests were one of the richest wildlife areas of the world, holding elephants, tiger, gaur, leopards, wild buffaloes, three species of rhinoceros, seven species of deer and a wide variety of other fauna.

The first human settlers, who may have been the "Veddoids’, appear to have arrived in the delta by 5th Century BC, though the first archeological evidence of human civilization dates to around 400-300 BC.

Civilization flourished in the delta during the reign of Asoka (273-232 BC) and in subsequent Hindu periods. The indigenous inhabitants were the ‘Pods’ and the ‘Chandals’ who were fishing tribes. The process of human settlement continued unabated till the11th century, when shifting river channels and epidemics seemed to have forced settlers to abandon the area for a while.

Bangladesh’s economic dependence on the revenues from the Sundarbans and the ability of their forests to regenerate swiftly meant that they could continue with a policy of harvesting the produce. The Indian forests in the 24 Parganas by then had been seriously denuded by years of felling and the lack of adequate fresh water. India was also not dependent on the revenues from the produce of the Sundarbans and as a result commercial felling reduced and even completely stopped in many parts of the forest. However, the pressure of humanity had its last say on the Indian Sundarbans in 1963 and 1973 when refugees from East Pakistan (and Bangladesh) were allowed to clear reserve forests for agriculture and settle in areas like Jharkhali and Herobhanga islands.

Diamond Harbor. Also living here, according to the 1971 census, is thirty percent of West Bengal's approximately 200,000 Namasudras, descendants of the Chandals. Other important scheduled castes include the ... (or Kochh), and the Kaoras. The Bagdi came to the Sundarbans from western and central West Bengal, although their true origin is unknown

The Namasudras are low caste Hindus and are sporadically spread all over the country, and there are small concentrations of Namasudra populations in the low-lying wet-lands of the south-western coastal region. It is difficult to quantify them in terms of their population in the whole of Bangladesh, as they are not enumerated as a separate community in the official census. However, they appear to be the most numerous of the ethno-religious minority communities in this part of the country.

As suggested in the district gazetteers which serve the purpose of one of the earliest sources of ethnographical and sociological information, the Namasudras and the Paundra-Khatriyas are basically one and the same community, and that both were formerly called Chandals. Both occupy low positions in the hierarchy of Hindu castes, but are generally known to be two different communities. The local people do not identify either of the two castes as the real Chandals, whose traditional occupation is the cremation of dead people.

Their phjysical features are mostly Dravidian, with some admixture of Aryan/Alpine and Australoid. They live in low-lying wet-land areas along with some other castes, such as Poundra-Kshatriyas and Rajbangshis, and share a common faith, rites and rituals. But they do not have any matrimonial relationships with these other castes. Though they generally claim to belong to the Hindu community, they do not worship all the Hindu gods and goddesses. On the other hand, they have some gods and goddersses of their own, not recognised for worship by the upper and middle caste Hindus.
They consider the Reverend Harichand Thakur of Orakandi in the district of Faridpur as their Guru and godfather, and go on pilgrimages to Orakandi for the annual Mela there.

Though traditionally agriculturists by occupation, less than 25% of the households are fully self-reliant in that occupation. The rest are poor and marginal farmers, or absolutely or functionally landless, relying on wage labour, or at best, share-cropping. Even then, there are less than 40% who depend solely on agriculture. Nearly 30% are actually wage-labourers. Less than a quarter used to be fishermen, but they do not possess any ponds of their own, and have little access to open water-bodies in the public domain. The rest of the Namasudra population are petty traders, shrimp gher workers, rickshaw/van pullers and others.

The Paundra_Kshatriyas or Podes :
Though the district gazetteers consider them the same as Namasudras, both these communities consider themselves as separate from each other. Numerically they come second to the Namasudras. According to numerous sources, the ancestors of the Paundra-Kshatriyas, or "Podes" as they are commonly known, came to this region from the north, cleared the forests and settled here centuries ago. In the remote past, they had vast tracts of lands, water-bodies and forests under their collective ownership and community control. At present many of them are functionally landless and landpoor, with very little access to other public resources as forests and open water-bodies.
However, as agriculturists, they are comparatively more affluent than most other minorities. Over 48% of them have more than one acre of land, and upto 7 or 8 acres, while about 32% are functionally or absolutely landless. The middle group, comprising about 20%, owning upto 1.00 acre of land, are poor and marginal farmers who have to resort to share-cropping to supplement their incomes. The landless among them follow many occupations such as that of boatmen(both manually operated and mechanised), petty trading in fish and groceries, shrimp farming, fishing, bamboo and cane work, carpentry, service, etc. The last item in the above list of occupations is significant, as during the early part of the 20th century, they realised the value of education, and those of whom who could afford it, obtained education and entered civil service.

The Rajbangshis or Teors :
Although a distinct ethno-religious group, they are in many respects, such as religious beliefs, culture, customs etc., almost identical with the Namasudras and Paundra-Kshatriyas. But in terms of principal occupation, they form an exclusive fishermen community. As a result, however, of complicated historically conditioned socio-economic processes over centuries, they have lost much of their age-old access to rivers and other open water-bodies, to the detriment of their own economic well-being and social status. As a result, they are either absolutely or functionally landless, as over

82% of them own less than 0.50 acre, and most of them not even a homestead. Less than 9% own more than one acre.

The Rishis and Muchis :
There is an interesting story about the Charmakars or Chamars, who used to skin and eat the flesh of dead cows and other domestic animals, and followed the occupation of tanning hides and skins and making and repairing footwear.
It is said that an educated person of their race, named Deben Babu, came to this region from Calcutta about 50 or 60 years ago, and called a convention of all people of that caste at Navaran in Jessore district. At the convention, Deben Babu told them that they were actually the descendants of the ancient Rishis and Munis(sages) who wrote the Vedas and the Puranas, but that they had fallen in Society as a result of their lowly occupation. He called upon them to abandon their dirty occupation and adopt the surname or caste name Rishi. It is said that the "Matbars"(headmen) of the Muchis living on the west bank of the river Kapotakshya accepted his proposal and converted to Christianity along with their followers, while those living on the east bank of that river preferred to live as they had been doing all along.
Reverend John Fagan has observed that whatever their understanding of Deben Babu's use of the word "Rishi" might have been, he suspects it to be an erroneous one for good reasons.
As traditionally they had been living in the fringes of Society as lowly tanners and leather workers, they have no great attachment to land, and landed people are very rare among them. Only about 10% of these people follow their traditional occupations, while more than half are wage labourers. About a quarter of them live on bamboo and cane work, while others follow

various occupations such as rickshaw/van pedalling, fishing and petty trading. According to Reverend John Fagan, there are some 250,000 people of this caste in Bangladesh. According to his distribution, 40,000 are in Khulna, 70,000 in Jessore, 45,000 in Mymensingh-Tangail and about 40,000 in Dhaka(Fagan, John).

OTHER MINORITY GROUPS :
Some other minority groups found in the region are Jeles/Malos, Parois, Patnis, Telis etc. claim to be Hindus, but they are considered low caste by upper and middle caste Hindus. The Telis are traditionally seed-oil extractors, while the Patnis used to be traditionally boatmen. The Jeles or Malos and Parois used to be fishermen. But most members of these miniscule groups no longer follow their traditional occupations. Only about half of the Jeles/Malos and Parois do the work of fishermen, either independently, or on commission basis. Physically they are Non-Aryan, an admixture of Australoid and Dravidian. Many of them are now wage labourers in various farm and non-farm sectors.

The Bengali Muslims are already sucked dry and reduced to walking skeletons by the Brahminical people controlling the CPM. On one side they drink the blood of Muslims and on the other they also squeeze the Bengali Dalits, totally pauperised. The two genuine proletariats of Bengal are the worst sufferers and yet kept intoxicated by the marxist opium

The 1901 Census, however, dismissed these figures as too disproportionate and placed the percentage of converts from Hinduism much higher. The idea of the original "Hindu-ness" of Muslim inhabitants extended to the argument that the early Muslim invaders in Bengal were not even Arabs but Pathans. Yet the fact recorded in the census is that the Muslims who called themselves "Shekh" outnumbered those who professed to be Pathans in a ratio of fifty to one, and furthermore, that many of these "Shekhs" had only recently begun to claim this name and were formerly known as Ashraf in south Bengal and as Nasya in north Bengal.[9] Two different commentaries are thus juxtaposed in a contained narrative of conflicting memories: the descriptive record of Muslim self-definitions as Arab-descended is framed by a commentary that negates those self-perceptions and posits an alternative explanation of Muslim origins in the fractured space of Hindu communities.

Explanation became even more racialized through the ethnographic contributions of Herbert Risley, who was brought into the census-taking operations at a crucial stage of description. The ethnographic scale of measurement, or "Cephalic index," that he devised conclusively "proved" the Hindu origins of Indian Muslims, despite the latter's claims to foreign ancestry that their names and titles presumably asserted. By taking measurements of the proportion of the breadth of the head to its length, as well as of the breadth of the nose to its length, Risley placed Muslims closer in racial features to the lower castes of Chandals and Pods than to Semitic peoples.[10] Here is a clear instance of how the discourse of class, blending indistinguishably with the discourse of race, appropriated the category of religion as uniting both discourses; it became possible to state that "although the followers of the Koran form the largest proportion of the inhabitants [of Rangpur district], there is little reason to suppose that many of them are intruders. They seem in general, from their countenances, to be descendants of the original inhabitants."[11] The split between "original" Muslims, defined as those who comprised the higher classes, and local Muslim converts from Hinduism, who were consistently identified with the lower classes, did two things: first, it accentuated differences not so much between Hindus and Muslims but between Muslims and Muslims on the point of foreign or native descent, with Muslims converted from Hinduism being regarded more ambiguously as Muslim and more relationally placed vis-a-vis Hindus; secondly, the dichotomy of foreign versus locally descended Muslims replaced a unity of Muslim identity -- which the profession of Islam presumably implied -- with categories of differences based on social class. Both factors figure importantly in the reconversion movements led by Hindu groups as early as the nineteenth century, and which continue to function today in certain regions of India (especially in those areas where mass conversions have taken place, such as in Meenakshipuram).

The Bengali Bhadralok, comprising a micro-minority 8% of its population (a combination of three jatis: Brahmin, Baidhya and Kayasth) have been lording over the Muslims and Dalits far too long. And the Muslims forming 35% of the state’s population — highest in the country — have been tolerating the Manuwadi Marxists for too long. The time has now come to say enough is enough.

The Left Front came to power in 1977 headed by Jyoti Basu, a Kayasth. The only boast of the corrupt and also casteist communists is that they have prevented anti-Muslim riots breaking out in Bengal. What they mean by this is they have prevented their blood thirsty jatwalas from openly slaughtering the Muslims just as Modi did in Gujarat.

Instant slaughter sends shock waves but killing through slow poisoning goes unnoticed. The Bengali Bhadralok slow poisoning killed many times more Muslims in Bengal than what Modi did in Gujarat.

The Dalits, particularly the Namasudras (Chandals), must note that most of the Bengali Muslims are converts from their community. The Bhadralok hate Dalits as much as they hate the Muslim.

Babasaheb’s movement was supported by the Mahars of Maharashtra, Pariahs of Tamilnadu, Malas of Andhra Pradesh, Jatavs of Uttar Pradesh and Chandals( Namo shudras) of Bengal. But when Babasaheb himself could not win the election in 1952 and 1954 , his supporters began to think if Babasaheb himself can not win then how can we win and become MLAs/MPs ?

In 1946 Babasaheb had won from the Jaisor and Khulna seats from Bengal. How did this happen ?In both these constituencies the population of Chandals was 52%. They thought rather than sending any one else , it is better to send Babasaheb to the constituent assembly. Babasaheb was able to win because the Chandals has majority votes with them. Mahar, Pariah, Jatav, Mala, etc castes did not have numbers as large as the Chandals and therefore these castes did not win elections and thus they began to leave the movement of Babasaheb.

According to Mandal Commission report, there are nearly 1500 castes among the SCs, 1000 castes among the STs and 3743 castes among the OBCs. The number of such castes is more than 6000. These are all such castes which have been victims of the Manuvadi social order. Some of them have been victimized less and some have been victimized more. But the truth is that all these 6000 castes have been victims of the manuvadi social order. Should not all these castes organize together to fight against the exploitative ‘caste system’ ? Among these castes some castes are bigger and some are smaller in terms of population. If all these castes remain divided among themselves then they will remain as minorities.

In Bengal the list of scheduled castes included not only the 'untouchables' but also several Ajalchal castes ritually ranked a step above them. The colonial bureaucracy enlisted communities under the Scheduled Caste grouping not much in accordance to their ritual status, but more in terms of their economic status. Therefore, it has been argued that since the intensity of untouchability was relatively weak in Bengal, compared to some other regions of India, movements such as those demanding right of entry to temples could never become a major plank in the movement for the removal of untouchability. Therefore lower caste protest did not always demand the complete removal of untouchability. Scholars like Masayuki Usuda have argued that these movements took the form of joint efforts in which socially backward castes too participated. The problems of untouchability and those of social ostracism were reflected in the antagonisms that prevailed between the indigent Chhotoloks (low born) and the rich Bhadraloks (men enjoying a higher status by virtue of their ritual ranking, education and other virtues) in the society. At times movements among the Bengali untouchables assumed class connotations.

The forms of discrimination against the untouchables in Bengal differed from that in Maharastra or South India. In Bengal, caste rigidities were never strong enough to keep the untouchable population in a state of perpetual servitude. In this context, the types of discrimination faced by depressed or scheduled caste leaders like jogendranath mandal were not the same as those experienced by Ambedkar in Maharastra.

However, the main issue around which this communalpolitical polarisation was taking place was the Pakistan demand of the Muslim League. At a meeting at Agra in March 1946, Ambedkar hadannounced his support for the League demand, "Muslims are fighting for their legitimate rights and they are bound to achieve Pakistan". About a month later, in a press interview, he justified hisdemand for separate villages for the Scheduled Castes. This would not amount, he thought, to anencroachment on the rights of any other party. There were large areas of cultivable waste land lying untenanted in the country which could be set aside for the settlement of the Scheduled Castes.The echoes of this demand could be heard from distant places. In the Central Provinces some of the Scheduled Castes started talking vaguely about a 'Dalistan'; [38] and in northern Bengal a few Rajbansis, supported by the Scheduled Caste Federation leader Jogendranath Mandal, raised the demand for 'Rajasthan' or a separate Rajbansi Kshatriya homeland. But the majority of the Scheduled Castes in Bengal, the Rajbansis included, seemed to be on the exactly opposite pole. Their responses to the partition issue clearly show that they had completely identified themselves with Hindu sentiments and apprehensions on this matter.

On 25th November 1949, the Poona Pact was 17 years old. At that time, the impact of the Poona Pact was not fully realised by our people. even though it was known to us that to get Baba Saheb elected to the Constituent Assembly, he had to be taken to Jesore and Khuina of Bengal. That was the main reason of his Hope that his People will Revolt against the unequal Brahminical Social Order. Later events showed that Spirit of Revolt was killed by the Poona Pact, and we have entered a New Age. Today, we know it well, as the Chamcha Age. The Brahminicals of that time, managed to defeat Dr Ambedkar through their chamchas in 1952 in Bombay through Kajroklar, and in 1954 in Bhandara through Ballor. These defeats demoralised his followers. Since the 1st Mahar Parishad of Kolhapur, the Mahars were solidly supporting Baba Saheb Ambedkar during all his struggles against the Brahminical Social Order. They were with him, in denouncing the Poona Pact. By 1982, the situation had changed. The Poona Pact was 5(rvyears old. No Mahar Leader was available to denounce the Poona Pact. On the other hand, the beneficiaries of the Poona Pact organised the Golden Jubliee Celebrations in Poona, with Smt lndra Gandhi, the than Prime Minister of India as the chief guest, and Justice R K Bhole was to preside over the programme. All the Mahar Leaders agreed to make the Golden Jubliee Celebrations a grand success.

Mind you,the I9th and the 20th Centuries are well known for the Struggles of the Shudras and the Ati-Shudras of India. Shudra Struggles were lead by Mahatma Jotiba Phule and Chhatarpati Shahu Maharaj of Maharashtra, Narayana Guru of Kerala and Periyar Ramaswamy of Tamil Nadu. All these Struggles of the Shudras were against the Brahminical Social Order and for the Self-Respect of the Shudras and Ati-Shudras. Ati-Shudra Struggles were lead by the Chandals of Bengal, Paryas of Tamil Nadu, Mahars of Maharashtra, Malas of Andhra, Holayas of Karnataka, @ulayas of Kerala and Chamars of N-W India.

In Bengal, due to their socio-economic backwardness, some of the lower or 'untouchable' castes developed worldviews that were fundamentally different from that of the nationalists and this led to their alienation from mainstream politics. However within the same social movement of such ritually 'inferior' castes, there could be a convergence of different tendencies - some protestant and some accommodating. In fact, as a result of such tendencies, lower caste social protest in spite of the immense possibilities of initiating some fundamental changes in society or polity, fell far short of the cherished goals.

The lower caste movements since the last decades of the nineteenth century were organised and largely led by the Namashudras of Eastern Bengal and the Rajbangshis in the North. They organised and led two of the most powerful movements among the Scheduled Castes of Bengal. In fact when scheduled caste politics emerged in the province in the 1930s, they provided it with both leadership and a popular support base. Moreover, these two communities by and large remained aloof from the nationalist movement. The Namasudras (2,087,162 as per 1911 census) constituted the largest agrarian caste in Eastern Bengal and their alienation from the Congress led anti-British agitation weakened the nationalist movement. Similarly, the Rajbangshis who too were a dominant caste in North Bengal exhibited apathy for the Congress led freedom movement and this possibly explains much of the weaknesses of the nationalist movement in this region.

The Namasudras who were earlier known as Chandals (a term derived from the Sanskrit chandala, a representative term for the untouchables) lived mainly in the Eastern districts of Bengal. According to the census of 1901, more than 75 percent of the Namasudra population lived in the districts of Bakerganj, Faridpur, Dhaka, Mymensingh, Jessore and Khulna. Moreover, it has also been pointed out in several studies that a contiguous region comprising northeastern Bakerganj, southern Faridpur and the adjoining Narail, Magura, Khulna and Bagerhat districts contained more than half of this caste population. In North Bengal a section of Kochs, who began to call themselves Rajbangshis from the early nineteenth century, also lived in a contiguously definable region. By the early years of the twentieth century more than 88 percent of the Rajbangshi population lived in the districts of Rangpur, Dinajpur, Jalpaiguri and the princely state of Cooch Behar. Presumably, this sort of geographical moorings, which has been explained in terms of the tribal origin of both the communities, accounted for their strength. The loss of such geographical anchorage in 1947 contributed to the decline of their movements.

Both Namasudras and Rajbangshis bore the stigma of untouchability and in most cases the various social disabilities from which they suffered created a considerable social distance between them and the privileged upper castes of Bengal - the Brahmins, Kayasthas and Baidyas. Apart from their low social standing, the majority of the Namasudras were tenant farmers with or without occupancy rights while a few were sharecroppers or bargadars, whose numbers proliferated towards the end of the 1920s. Thus the fundamental dichotomy in Bengal agrarian relations coincided, in the case of the Namasudras, with the caste hierarchy. However, a miniscule group among the Namasudras did move up the economic ladder by taking advantage of the process of reclamation that had started in the area (mostly in the three East Bengal Divisions of Dhaka, Rajshahi and Chittagong). Consequently, while some Namasudras set themselves up as big peasants or tenure holders, some others took to moneylending and trade and somewhat later to education and various professions.

In the case of the Rajbangshis the situation was quite different, as they were better placed than the Namasudras in terms of their ranking in the agrarian structure. In Rajshahi division the Rajbangshis constituted about 10.68 percent of the rent receiving population. Among the Rajbangshi 'cultivators', although many were sharecroppers or adhiyars, a substantial section happened to be rich peasants, enjoying various grades of tenurial rights as jotedars and chukamidars. Incidentally, the wide-scale clearing of jungle areas over large parts of Northern Bengal resulted in the establishment of some big zamindari houses by the Rajbangshis. However, it needs to be borne in mind that these inner contradictions did not come to the fore till the end of the 1930s as both the Namasudras and the Rajbangshi elite were not able to carve out a separate identity for themselves and consequently remained attached to the peasant community.

Under the influence of certain liberal religious sects, a sense of self-respect developed among the Namasudras. In fact, these liberal as well as radical sects under the leadership of charismatic gurus like Keshab Pagal or Sahalal Pir challenged the hierarchic Hindu caste system and preached a simple gospel based on devotion (bhakti) and spiritual emotionalism (bhava). In 1872-73, the Namasudras under the leadership of Dwarkanath Mandal, tried to bolster their self-esteem by undertaking a social and economic boycott of the upper castes. The failure of this movement led to the establishment of the Matua sect - an organised religious sect under the influence of Sri Guru Chand Thakur. The Guru, who came from a rich peasant household, preached the elimination of caste, equality of men and women and the possibility for spiritual relief through performance of secular duties. Subsequently, the message of the movement found expression through the shlogan of hate kam mukhe nam (work with the hands, chant with the mouth). At about the same time, several other lower caste spiritualists like Prabhu Jagatbandhu (1871-1921) spread their teachings among the Namasudras of Faridpur and Jessore. Jagatbandhu's teachings formed the core of the religious beliefs of the Mahanta sect.

The conversion of the Namasudras to Christianity was another phenomenon that deserves special mention. The Christian denominations, namely, the Baptists, Anglicans and Roman Catholics converted a fairly large number of Namasudras in Faridpur and Bakerganj.

From the early years of the twentieth century, the Namasudra Samiti gained in prominence and 'uplift meetings' were regularly organised to disseminate the message of the caste movement. At the same time Jatras and mass contact drives, such as those for the collection of musthi (handful of rice) were frequently organised for the purpose of mobilisation. From 1912, the Bengal Namasudra Association provided the movement with a more formal organisational network. Thus as the movement progressed, it encompassed within it two distinct levels of consciousness and action, one represented by the elite and the other by their peasant followers.

In the case of the Rajbangshis, the movement for self-respect was organised by the members of the affluent section of the community. From the 1890s, the influence of Sanskritisation could be clearly seen and there was an effort to characterise the Rajbangshis as Vratya (fallen) Ksatriyas. At the same time, from 1912 onwards the Rajbangshi elite organised a series of mass thread wearing ceremonies in order to boast their Ksatriya status. Moreover, efforts were also undertaken to establish links with the Bharatiya Ksatriya Mahasabha.

Since the early years of the twentieth century both the Namasudras and the Rajbangshis sent requests to the colonial bureaucracy to bring them under the orbit of preferential treatment. Apart from extending preferential treatment to them in matters of education and employment, sympathies were also sought from the colonial bureaucracy over matters related to political participation. While the position of the Namasudra and Rajbangshi elite in the local bodies showed signs of improvement, their representation in the provincial legislature was still negligible. But more importantly, in order to gain special political privileges, the lower caste elite consciously advocated an anti-Congress and pro-British stance. At the same time, the lower caste elite, particularly the Namasudras who had actively opposed the swadeshi movement of the Congress, favoured a blatantly separatist line in the wake of the constitutional proposals of the 1910s and 1920s seeking greater devolution of power among various Indian groups. Almost immediately after the Mont-Ford proposals, the Rajbangshi and Namasudra elite pressed for greater representation for depressed communities in Bengal. As a result of these demands, the Reform Act of 1919 provided for the nomination of one representative of the depressed classes to the Bengal Legislature.

Since the early 1920s the pro-British stance became more pronounced and the lower caste elite in pursuit of greater political privileges became more critical of the Congress policy to speak on behalf of the nation. Consequently, for them nationalism assumed a different meaning. In spite of being critical of the Hindu social order and championing an anti-Congress position they were not anti-nationalists as such. In other words the lower caste elite were in quest of a nation based on the principles of substantive rather than the nominal citizenship being offered to them by the Congress.

However, it would be wrong to surmise that the lower caste elite consistently favoured a political approach distinct from that of the nationalist mainstream. Occasional convergence did take place. For instance, in the 1920s, some of the Namasudra and Rajbangshi elite, notably Keshab Chandra Das, Mohini Mohan Das, and Upendranath Barman favoured a policy of collaboration with the nationalists. Understandably, anti-Congress feeling ran high among the less privileged Namasudra and Rajbangshi peasantry. Interestingly, as a part of their protest against social and economic discrimination Namasudra and Rajbangshi peasants entered into bitter strife with dominant landholding groups, comprising both high caste Hindus and Muslims.

By the 1930s, with institutional concessions pouring in, the lower caste elite became more and more unmindful of the interests of their peasant followers and showed more interest in Council politics and Constitutional debates. But, to keep their influence intact over their rural following, they did at times expose issues closely related to the lives of the peasants. In the 1930s, their political separatism became all the more pronounced because of a distinct tilt towards Ambedkar's brand of separatist scheduled caste politics. But by the mid-1930s, the lower caste elite began to lose popular support, more because of the emergence of political outfits like the krishak praja party, which had a pronounced peasant orientation. But with the Krishak Praja Party turning away its face from the scheduled caste constituency on the eve of the 1937 elections, the lower caste elite was once more able to recover their lost political base. But more importantly, during this period the Congress was also able to woo a section of the lower caste elite.

In the 1937 elections, the scheduled castes won 32 out of the 256 seats in the Bengal Legislative Assembly. The composition of the 32 successful candidates revealed a shift in political allegiances. In addition to 23 Independent members, 7 were elected on Congress support and the hindu mahasabha backed 2.

Since the late 1930s, the lower caste movement lost much of its momentum and autonomy as class divisions began to surface. The lower caste elite could no longer sustain their links with their rural following. The onset of depression and the resultant hardships of the peasantry forced a substantial section of the rural proletariat, irrespective of caste affiliation, to draw closer to the Kisan Sabha agitations. In the Jalpaiguri-Dinajpur region throughout the early 1940s, common caste identity failed to stem the conflict between the Rajbangshi Jotedars and the Adhiyars, over the latter's demand for a greater share of the harvest. This conflict culminated in the tebhaga movement of 1946-47. But more importantly, the hobnobbing between the Independent Scheduled Caste party and Krishak Praja Party-Muslim League ministry also proved to be a short-lived one. The establishment of the Bengal Provincial Scheduled Caste Federation also did not signify the rise of a third political alternative.

In retrospect it needs to be argued that lower caste community identity was always in a process of change, thereby resulting in fragmentation. In fact, the fragments and particles that fell apart were appropriated by the other wider identities of nation, religion or class. In that sense, the integration of the lower castes, more particularly in the 1940s, with various other political streams such as Congress led nationalism or Hindu Mahasabha instigated communalism or the Communist led Kisan Sabha were rooted in the very logic of such movements. [Rajsekhar Basu]

The Hindu Mahasabha, though initially committed to opposing any partition of Akhhand Hindustan, eventually accepted it after the outbreak of communal violence and concentrated on retaining the predominantly Hindu majority areas within the Indian Union. [40] It appointed, in February 1947, a Working Committee to report on "the feasibility and desirability of having a separate province for securing a homeland for Bengal Hindus". Following this on 6 April the Mahasabha workers at a conference at Tarakeswar resolved to start a movement in east Bengal for "retaining East Bengal province ... within the Indian union". But as it appears, even before this meeting a movement had already been launched in the eastern Bengal countryside for building up public opinion in support of the proposed Bengali Hindu homeland. A survey of public opinion by Amrita Bazar Patrika in early May showed that an overwhelming proportion (98%) of Bengali Hindus supported partition. The Scheduled Caste population of the province could hardly insulate themselves from this popular
euphoria that Hindu Mahasabha had created. And particularly the Namasudras of eastern Bengal and the Rajbansis in the north could hardly afford to remain aloof, as the proposed partition plan concerned them in a very direct way.
In Bakarganj district on 3 April 1947, a joint meeting of the Jhalakati Subdivisional Congress
Committee and the Subdivisional Hindu Mahasabha resolved to demand the creation of "a separate Province ... comprising the Hindu majority areas of Bengal" which would remain "an integral part of the Indian Union". The new province, it was demanded, should "include the Barisal Sadar Subdivisions (North & South) and the Perojpur Subdivisions of the District of Bakarganj" [44] where the Namasudras constituted the largest Hindu caste group. A month later on 4 May the Goila Union Hindu Mahasabha held another meeting where identical resolutions were passed unanimously. [45] On the same day, in the Gournadi Police Station area of Bakarganj district, there were two other meetings at Tarkibandar and Ramshidhi Bazar. At both places resolutions were passed in favour of partition and inclusion of the Hindu majority areas of Bakarganj and Faridpur into a new province for Bengali Hindus. The meetings were attended by people from a number of villages of the Gournadi PoliceStation area where a large segment of the population were Namasudras.
In neighbouring Faridpur, the Scheduled Caste population was more directly brought into this propaganda campaign. On 6 May a "meeting of the scheduled caste inhabitants of the Gopalganj subdivision of Faridpur District" was held at the village of Tuthamandra. The meeting was attended by "several thousand villagers" and was addressed by fifteen speakers, all of whom except one belonged to the Scheduled Castes. It resolved to support partition, since there was "no other remedy" for the threats to the "life, property, honour and culture of the nonMoslems of this province", and demanded that the Gopalganj subdivision should be united with Khulna and attached to the new province of West Bengal. In the same Gopalganj subdivision, another "very largely attended meeting of the Scheduled Castes" was held at Boultali on 12 May and it again adopted identical resolutions. In Khulna the extent of Scheduled Caste mass participation in the partition campaign is unknown to us.
However, in this district a "conference of the leading members of the Scheduled Caste community"was held at Khulna town on 3 May. It demanded "the creation of a separate province called West Bengal Province under the Central Indian Union". On the following day, the same resolution was adopted again at Bagerhat town at another meeting of the Scheduled Castes of the Bagerhat sub division. The Hindu militancy among the Namasudras of this region we have already noted. To some politicians in Bengal, however, partition of the province was still unthinkable. It was at this juncture on 22 May that Sarat Bose, now an isolated figure in the Bengal Congress, and Abul Hashim, of the Bengal Muslim League, released to the press their proposal for the formation of a free united Bengal. The campaign was then taken up by Suhrawardy and his followers in the Bengal Muslim League. Among their other supporters was Jogendranath Mandal, the President of the Bengal Provincial Scheduled Caste Federation.] The Working Committee of the Federation resolved on 14 May that "the division of the province into Hindu and Muslim Bengal ... [was] no solution of the
communal problems". It would "check the growing political consciousness and ruthlessly crush thesolidarity of the Scheduled Castes of Bengal ... While the Scheduled Castes of Eastern Bengal ... [would] be at the mercy of the majority community [Muslim], the Scheduled Castes of Western Bengal ... [would] be subject to perpetual slavery of the caste Hindus. Hence the Scheduled Castes of this province ... [could] not be a party to such a mischievous and dangerous move ...". Both Suhrawardy and Mandal at this stage were claiming that the Scheduled Caste Hindus were not in favour of the partition of Bengal, as demanded by the Hindu Mahasabha. The actual situation in the interior, however, suggests that the majority of the Scheduled Castes, particularly in eastern and northern Bengal, had identified themselves with the sentiments whipped up by the Mahasabha and had rejected the leadership of Jogendranath Mandal.
On 21 June 1947, a meeting at Sreeramkathi High School compound in Nazirpur Police Station of Bakarganj district was "attended by thousands of people specially of Scheduled Caste communities".
The meeting resolved that the northwestern portions of Bakarganj district, along with the contiguous areas of Gopalganj subdivision, Rajair and Kalkini Police Stations of Faridpur, "being predominantly Hindu Areas wherein the Scheduled castes are majority, ... should be included in the West Bengal Province for the cultural, religious and economic advancement of the Scheduled Castes who in no case would submit to the rule of the Muslims". The meeting further resolved that "the Scheduled Caste Hindus of the area have no confidence in the leadership of Mr. Jogendranath Mandal ... because of his surrender to the Muslim League ...". Another meeting on 22 June at Jalabari School compound in Swarupkathi Police Station of Bakarganj resolved that along with the above mentioned regions, "the Northern portions of Pirojpur subdivision ... being predominantly Hindu Majority areas" should also be included in the province of West Bengal. The other resolution passed in the meeting registered a lack of confidence of the Scheduled Castes of the area in the leadership of Jogendranath Mandal. On the same day another "Public Meeting of the People of Pirojpur P.S. North" held at Rayerkathi School compound adopted unanimously the same resolutions. All these three meetings, like the other propartition meetings mentioned earlier, were presided over by local Scheduled Caste leaders who had never been prominent in institutional politics. But on the other hand, the identical wordings of the resolutions adopted in three different meetings held simultaneously at three different places also indicate some amount of organisation and planning to mobilise public opinion among the local Scheduled Caste population.
Their counterparts in northern Bengal identified themselves with the same sentiments and
apprehensions. At a meeting in Jalpaiguri in May 1947, attended by 500 delegates from all the districts of the Rajshahi division, the Rajbansi leader Upendranath Barman described the Sarat BoseSuhrawardy scheme of united independent Bengal as "a great political trap" for the Hindus.

Onemonth later, a "meeting of the Scheduled Caste Rajbansis of Dinajpur", held at Thakurgaon on 22 June, demanded that "the Districts of Dinajpur, Malda and such portions of Rangpur which are predominantly inhabited by the Rajbansis ... be included in the new Province of West Bengal ...". The meeting was presided over by a not very well known Rajbansi leader, indicating that there was local initiative to remain in the Hindu province to preserve what they described as "the linguistic, social and cultural unity of the Rajbansi community as a whole".
All these meetings in the villages of eastern and northern Bengal reveal a new mentality which recognised caste only as a microcosm within the greater Hindu identity. At the institutional level also, most of the Scheduled Caste MLAs had already accepted this integrationist position. This became clear when the partition issue was put to the vote in the Bengal Legislative Assembly on 20 June 1947. RupNarayan Roy, the Rajbansi Communist MLA from Dinajpur did not vote, like Jyoti Basu of his party.
Four other Scheduled Caste members from eastern Bengal also voted with the Muslims. The rest of theScheduled Caste MLAs voted for the CongressMahasabha scheme to keep West Bengal as a Hindu majority province within the larger political entity, India. Outcomes
But the partition which ultimately came in the midnight of 1415 August 1947 did not help the
Scheduled Caste masses. Many prominent groups like the Namasudras and the Rajbansis lost their territorial anchorage and, contrary to their hopes and in spite of their pleas, most of the Namasudra inhabited areas in Bakarganj, Faridpur, Jessore and Khulna, like the Rajbansi areas of Dinajpur and Rangpur, went to East Pakistan, instead of West Bengal. The postpartition violence, as F.C. Bourne, the last British Governor of East Bengal reported in 1950, left many of them with "nothing beyond their lives and the clothes they stand up in". [60] This compelled many of them to migrate as refugees to India, where being uprooted from their traditional homeland they had to begin once again their struggle for existence.
In the early 1950s, in the border districts of West Bengal the Namasudra refugees were involved in violent strife with locally entrenched groups like the Goalas and Muslims and desperately tried to acquire a foothold in the area. Thus, social mobility which they had achieved in the course of the previous 75 years was undone and the strength of their social movement was sapped. But what the partition movement indicated, and the postpartition behaviour of the Scheduled Caste peasants inWest Bengal confirmed, was their integration into the mainstream of Bengali Hindu society, of which they have remained part and parcel ever since. And this is true in spite of the shortlived separatist movement of the Rajbansis in northern Bengal. The post1971 new waves of migration, this time by an impoverished and desolate Muslim peasantry from Bangladesh, once again threatened the position of the Scheduled Caste peasantry, settled, after long periods of stress and pain, in the border districts of West Bengal. They do not want to be secondtime losers and therefore these areas have become strongholds of Hindu fundamentalist politics, in an otherwise troublefree West Bengal.

In the context of Partition politics, 'religion' replaced 'caste' as the defining criterion for community boundaries in the collective imagination of the Scheduled Castes. thus, the rebel peasants of Indigo revolution or sanyashi vidroh were tamed and enslaved. They lost the caste identies while the castehindus used this opportunity to persecute them eternally. It continued across the border and all over the divided bleeding geopolitics. The caste Hindus, cotrarily maintained their caste Identities and eventually established an unbrokeable Brahminical ruling Hegemony in India which is now well represented by Pranab Mukherjee, Shoumitra Chatterjee, Mahashweta Devi, Buddhadeb Bhattacharya, Sunil Gangopadhyay, Somnath Chatterjee, Mamata Bannerjee, Subrato Mukherjee, Dipankar Bhattacharya and others in different spheres of life.

The First India Act of 1919 was influenced by the Struggles of Mahatma Phule and Chhatarpati Shahu Maharaj. The Second India Act of 1935 was influenced by the Struggles of Dr Baba Saheb Arnbedkar. In the 1st India Act of 1919, the Anti-Shudras were designated as Depressed Classes.

As a result of the Ambedkarite Struggles during the 1920s and early 30s, the Depressed Classes got a fair deal in the 2nd India Act of 1935. Two Schedules were prepared for the Depressed Classes, and made part of the 2nd India Act of 1935. The Depressed Castes were included as the Scheduled Castes and the Depressed Tribes were included as the Scheduled Tribes. Then onwards, the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes started getting a fair deal from the British Government of the day.

With the background of these two India Acts of 1919 and 1935, and the 40 years long Struggles of his life, Dr Baba Saheb Ambedkar got the opportunity to preside over the Drafting Committee of the present Constitution of India. Thus, the present Constitution of India bears the impact of two Centuries old Struggles of the Shudras and Anti-Shudras of India. Besides the utility of the Constitution to the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes and the Other Backward Caste, the SC, ST & OBC people are emotionally attached to the Constitution. Therefore, they will not tolerate any tampering with the Constitution.

Dr Baba Saheb Ambedkar was not fully satisfied with the Constitution. He therefore expressed his dissatisfaction before the Constituent Assembly on 25th November 1949. He told the Members of the Constituent Assembly, "on 26th of January 1950, we are going to enter into a Life of Contradictions. In Politics we will have equality, and in Social and Economic Life we will have inequality. In Politics, we will be recognising the Principle of one man one vote, and one vote one value. In our Social and Economic Life, we shall, by reason of our social and economic structure, continue to deny the Principle of one man one value. How long shall we live this Life of Contradictions? How long shall we continue to deny Equality in our Social and Economic Life? If we continue to deny it for long, we will do so only by putting our Political Democracy in peril. We must remove this contradiction at the earliest possible moment, or else those who suffer from inequality will blow up the Structure of Political Democracy, which we have so laboriously built up.” The Less Brahminicals of the Constituent Assembly did not respond. The Contradictions continued. Now after full 50 years, in 1999, the Utmost Brahminicals of the BJP, instead of seeking a Review of the Brarnhnical Social Order of perfect inequality, have appointed a Commission to Review the Constitution itself.

Citizenship Amendment Act, SEZ Act, Chemicals act, Nuclear Deal, AFSA, Liberalisation, Privatisation, Urbanisation, Retail Chain, Hire and Fire, ITan so on. They are killing the constitution even today.

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