SUPPLEMENT I.

THE NEW ATLANTIS; OR, A PLAN OF A SOCIETY

FOR THE PROMOTION OF KNOWLEDGE.

Delivered in the Way of Fiction.

PREFACE.

THE present Piece has, perhaps, been esteemed a greater Fiction than it is: The Form fo the History is purely imaginary; but the Things mentioned in it seem purely Philosophical; and, if Men would exert themselves, probably practical. But whilst our Minds labour under a kind of Despondency and Dejection, with regard to operative Philosophy; and refuse to put forth their strength; the Wings of Hope are clipped. And, in this situation, the mind seems scarce accessible but by Fiction. For plain Reason will here prove dull and languid; and even Works themselves rather stupefy than rouze and inform. Whence the prudent and seasonable use of Invention and Imagery, is a great Secret for winning over the Affections to Philosophy. We have here, as in miniature, a Summary of Universal Knowledge; Examples, Precepts and Models for improving the Mind in History, Geography, Chronology, Military Discipline, Civil Conversation, Morality, Policy, Physicks, &c whence it appears like a kind of Epitome, and farther Improvement of the Scheme of the Augmentis Scientiarum. The dignity and utility of the Design may appear from hence; that not only Mr. Cowley endeavoured to imitate it, in his Plan of a Philosophical Society; but even the Royal Society of London, and the Royal Academy of Paris, have, from their first Institution, employed themselves, and still continue employed, in its execution.

SECT. I.

1.  After a twelvemonth's stay at Peru, we sailed from thence for China and Japan, by the South-Sea; and had fair Winds from the East, tho' soft and gentle, for above five Months: then the Wind changed and settled in the West, for several days; so that we made little way, and sometimes purposed to sail back. But now there arose strong Winds from the South, one point to the East, which carried us to the North: by which time our Provisions failed us. And being thus amidst the greatest wilderness of Waters in the World, we gave ourselves for lost. Yet lifting up our hearts to God, who sheweth his wonders in the Deep; we besought him that as in the beginning he disclosed the face of the Deep, and made dry Land appear; so we might now discover Land, and not perish. The next day about Evening, we saw before us, towards the North, the appearance of thick Clouds, which gave us some hopes for as that part of the South-Sea was utterly unkown; we judged it migh have Islands or Continents, hitherto undiscovered. We, therefore, shaped our Course towards them, and in the dawn of the next day plainly discerned Land.

2.  After sailing an hour longer, we entered the Port of a fair city; not large, but well built, and affording an agreeable Prospect from the Sea. Upon offering to go on shore, we saw People with Wands in their hands, as it were forbidding us; yet without any Cry or Fierceness; but only warning us off by Signs. Whereupon we advised among ourselves what to do: when a small Boat presently made out to us, with about eight Persons in it; one whereof held in his hand a short, yellow Cane, tipped at both ends with blue; who made on board our Ship, without any shew of distrust. And seeing one of our number present himself somewhat at the head of the rest, he drew out, and delivered to him, a little Scroll of yellow polish'd Parchment, wherein were written in ancient Hebrew, ancient Greek, Latin of the School, and in Spanish, these Words: Land ye not, and provide to be gone within sixteen days; except ye have farther time given you: but if ye want fresh Water, Provision, Help for your Sick, or Repair for your Ship, write down your Wants, and ye shall have what belongs to Mercy. The Scroll was sealed with Cherubims Wings, and a Cross.

3.  This being deliver'd, the Officer return'd, and left only a Servant to receive our Answer. Our Answer was, in Spanish, That our Ship wanted no Repair; for we had rather met with Calms and contrary Winds, than Tempests: but our Sick were many; so that if not permitted to land, their Lives were in danger. Our other Wants we set down in particualr; adding, that we had some little store of Merchandize; which, if they pleased to traffick for, might supply our Wants, without being burdensome to them. We offered Money to the Servant; and a Piece of Crimson Velvet to be presented the Officer: but the Servant took them not; and would scarce look upon them: so left us, and retun'd in another little Boat that was went for him.

4.  About three Hours after our Answer was dispatch'd, there came to us a Person of Figure. He had on a Gown with wide Sleeves, a kind of Water-Camblet, of an excellent and bright Azure; his under Garment was green, so was his Hat, being in the form of a Turban, curiously made; his Hair hanging below the Brims of it. He came in a boat, some part of it gilt, along with four other Persons; and was follow'd by another Boat, wherein were twenty. When he was come within bow-shot of our Ship, Signals were made to us, that we should send out our boat to meet him; which we presently did, manned with the principal Person amongst us but one, and four of our number with him. When we came within six Yards of their Boat, they bid us approach no farther: we obeyed; and thereupon the Person of Figure, before described, stood up and, with a loud Voice, in Spanish, asked, Are ye Christians? We answered, yes; fearing the less, because of the Cross we had seen in the Signet. At which Answer, the said Person lift up his right Hand towards Heaven, and drew it softly to his Mouth; a Gesture they use when they thank God, and then said; If ye will swear by the Merits of the Saviour, that ye are no Pirates; nor have shed Blood, lawfully or unlawfully, within forty Days past; ye have Licence to come on shore. We said, we were all ready to take the Oath. Whereupon, one of those that were with him, being, as it appear'd, a Notary, made an entry of this Act. Which done, another of the Attendants in the same Boat, after his Lord had spoke to him, said aloud; My Lord would have ye know, that it is not out of Pride, or Greatness, that he does not come on board your Ship; but as in your Answer, you declare you have many sick among you, he was warned by the City-Conservator of Health to keep at a distance. We bowed ourselves, and answered, we accounted what was already done a great Honour, and singular Humanity; but hoped, that the Sickness of our Men was not infectious. Then he returned. . . .

Watch Mozart's Rondo Alla Turca, which is the last movement of a sonata he wrote for the piano.
(a) Using the letters A, B, C, D etc. describe the structure of the piece
(b) See if you can recognise (i) the main section (ii) the episodes and (iii) the coda (the little bit at the end). Also think about how Mozart sometimes changes the main section when it returns.

Mozart 'Rondo Alla Turca' performed by a man with a moustache Stanislav Bulin

PREFACE.

THE Author, or rather Compiler of the following work, publishes it as an act due the State, for the purpose of transmitting to posterity, a correct history of facts and events, which transpired in the early settlement of Connecticut--commencing, even before the falling of the first tree in the forest, by any white man in the Colony.

It is a compilation of a correspondence of the Kings and Qeens [sic] of England, with the different Governors of the Colony--from the first settlement in Windsor, Hartford and Wethersfield, in 1635, for the term of more than one hundred years--embracing letters from the Lords of the Council of trade and foreign plantations; a correct copy of the old patent of Connecticut; letters from the Hon. the Commissioners of his Majesties customs in England; and answeres by the Governors, &c. Also letters to apprehend Capt. Kidd, as a pirate, and many other interesting, curious literary communications--among which are twenty-seven questions sent to this Colony by the Lords of the Council of trade in 1679, with the answers of Gov. Leet--which answers are probably as correct early history of this Colony as is extant, and will be highly interesting to all readers. Indeed they are a succinct history of the Colony at that period, as to its navigations, productions, shipping, populations, state of society, Indian wars, religion, title of lands, trade and manufactures, &c. And when we contemplate that these answeres were written by a Governor of this State, when a Colony, nearly two hundred years since, upon this ground, then occupied by the sturdy trees of the forest, but now covered with stores, banks, public buildings and the splendid private dwellings of the refined population of the City of Hartford--and this, the first publication of most of them, they cannot fail to be interesting to the most inattentive observer of past events.

The orthography of the original letters and documents is strictly and carefully preserved.

The signatures of the Kings and Queens are uniformly placed at the commencement of the communications, and not at the close as is usual for other persons; the large, elegant and expensive seals attached to each letter, are yet in a perfect state of preservation. The idea tha the delicate hands of Queen Mary and Queen Anne of England have been upon the same sheets, which I have copied for this book, and nearly two centuries since, satisfies the mind that these events are indeed ancient, and appears rather as a dream, than a reality. The reader will occasionally observe, that answers to letters from England, are some few of them missing, not having been preserved by the writers as they should have been, not only for the benefit of the Colony at the time, but also for the advantage of future historians and the honor of the country.

This work is not published by the compiler expecting even a compensation for his labor, but solely to transmit to posterity, the important historical events which it contains, emanating from the pens of the Kings and Queens of England, and the Governors of this Colony, verified by their own signatutes and Seals, the last of whom have been gathered to their fathers nearly a century ago. . . .

Take a long drive down this wooded lane with me today to Pheasant Hill Farm. It's an historic property on 47 acres in Bucks County, Pennsylvania, and it's on the market for $6 million. The MLS listing notes its age as 250 years. You don't see many properties that old in America, that's for sure.

The main home has 4 bedrooms and 3.5 baths, but there are also a series of frame and stone buildings that represent one of the earliest settlements in Pennsylvania. This is truly a rare property. 

To take a tour of Pheasant Hill Farm, click "more" below:

Here's a view of the main house as you come up the long drive:

A barn and another out building:

Garden gate:

Gardens:

The back of the main house:

The living room of the main house:

One of the 4 bedrooms. And hats. A lot of hats:

The dining room (I think--can you see through all that stuff? Is there a table and chairs in there somewhere? I also think I might see a fireplace, but it's hard to tell!):

Family room with an exposed-stone wall:

Take a gander at this screened porch. I've been to flea markets with less stuff than this!

The back of the main house and the pool:

There are 47 acres surrounding this historic home. I know this is in Pennsylvania, but it makes me think of Little House on the Prairie (maybe because I'm reading that series to my daughter right now):

I love this old stone building on the property with overflowing flower boxes:

According to the MLS Listing:

Just above the historic village of Carversville, a long private lane lined with split rail fencing leads through the woods to Pheasant Hill Farm. A collection of well tended frame and stone buildings grace the spectacular hilltop setting giving the impression that one has arrived in a small English village.

Public records show this to be one of the earliest settlements in the community with a dwelling as early as 1704. Today the Bucks County stone structure is a beautifully designed country house with four bedrooms.

Secluded from other properties, the house and outbuildings are surrounded by enchanted gardens and lavish lawns that seem to roll out like a verdant carpet to distant woods. The main residence sits on ten glorious acres. There is a large party room on the second level of the stone barn. The remaining 37 acres, part of which is farmed and part wooded, comprise a separate tax parcel and deed.

I love finding unique properties like this. Can you imagine living in your own small village?

If You’re Hooked on Old Houses:

• Sears Modern Homes: House Kits from Catalogs
• The Spite House in Virginia (only 7 feet wide!).
• Cobble Court, a manor in Ohio built to look like a French-Norman estate.
• Stokesay Court, the estate used in the Keira Knightley film “Atonement.”
• Coco Chanel’s elegant Parisian apartment at 31 Rue Cambon.
• 1908 Mansion for sale in Compton Heights area of St. Louis.
• Mark Twain’s Tiffany-decorated mansion in Hartford, Connecticut.

This article is available on line.

Introduction

When Louis XIV died (1715), the roads of the kingdom he was leaving to his successor were in a dreadful state. This was a major bottleneck for the growing economic and administrative activities. The controleur général (finance secretary) Orry and the intendant Trudaine decided to repair the old roads and build new ones where carts and coaches could travel fast.

Reach these objectives, Orry created the corvée des chemins (June 13, 1738) which gave the governors the possibility to force the peasants to work for the reparation and the construction of roads several days a year (766). After 1743, Turdaine took care of the operation, followed by his son who based his effort on the constitution of a corps of engineers dedicated to the construction of transport infrastructures. The preliminary tasks were over by 1750 and the most important construction operation ever undertaken in France was about to begin.

Technicalities

The roads from Paris to the main seaports were to be 19.5 meters large, the other important roads were to be 11.8 meters large (767). On each side of the roads, a ditch was to be dug and trees planted (768). The corvée des chemins was to be ended by Turgot (February 6, 1776) and the roads constructed after that were smaller as many complained that they were too good and expensive for crossing some empty country.

The engineers replaced the old zigzagging roads by straight lines which reduced travelling time, made the roads safer, easier to take care of and provided a strong rational to cut through people estates instead of negotiating (769). Paved roads were very expensive and were only common around Paris and next to the major urban centres. The rest was simply covered with gravel. Moreover specialised workers were difficult to find out of Paris. Most roads had been constructed by unwilling journeymen drafted by the corvée. Moreover, the engineers were not too interested by roads, they preferred bridges because they were more complicated (770).

End result

Despite important innovations, the roads network turned out to be nearly as fragile as the old one and required constant fixing and maintenance (771). The corvée was only available during spring and autumn. A road damaged during winter could spend months before being repaired (and thus be even more spoilt).
Even though it faced major issues, the French road network was generally loaded by foreign visitors (772).

By the end of the monarchy, there were about 25,000km of major roads in France. This highly centralised network was mostly constructed during the last third of the 18th century (773). The so-called military roads that lead to the eastern frontiers reveal that favouring trade was not the only reason for the construction of the network.

A side effect of these constructions was the realisation (mostly after 1743) of numerous and detailed maps that had been only drawn before for the regions of military interest (775). As usual during the Old Regime, the administrative division of the territory prevents us from having a clear view of the whole network (only the maps of the roads of the Pays d’élection, those of the Province d’état remained in the provincial archives because they depended from another administration). A copies of the maps was sent to the king from 1752 to 1771 but some of them are somewhat inaccurate because entire provinces have not communicated the maps of their roads (785).

Good speed.

There were a regular service of coaches on all the main roads from and to Paris (787). These coaches never crossed more than 680 km (Paris-Toulouse), for longer distances (such as Paris-Marseille) one had to change coach once or twice. The coaches have bad suspensions and travel slowly (50km a day at most), it means that t take over 11 to go from Paris to Strasbourg, 13 to Bordeaux and 15 to Toulouse. A few routes have a faster system (coaches with better suspensions, more relays which allows horses to gallop and travel longer each day). They go more than twice faster (Paris-Lyon, 470km, in 5 days) (788).

In 1776, Turgot introduces faster coaches and allow them to use the numerous and well equipped royal post relays. The whole country was reached by the new light coaches and traveller save half or two third the time they spent travelling with the old system. Orléans was 2 and a half day away from Paris in 1765 but only one in 1780 (789). Marseille was reached in 8 days, Toulouse in 7 and Strasbourg in 5.

Some regions nonetheless remain untouched by the progress. Some are too far from Paris (Alps, Pyrenees, Languedoc) and other seem simply stubbornly opposed to transportation (Bretagne, Auvergne). On the other hand, intra-and inter-regional linkages are flourishing in some parts and many coaches travel the same roads as the fast and modern ones but slower and for a lesser price. The structure created by the monarchy remained untouched by the following regimes and still represent the blueprint of the French road system in the 21st century (791).

Comment:

This article is essential as it documents the increased transportation capabilities of the late Old Regime. It is particularly interesting as it is one of the rare examples (with the construction of the Canal du Midi) of the French state investing heavily in something else than war and palaces. It shows. How much the French economy could have improved even without the invention of the steam engine.

CHAP. I.

As they who read only for Diversion appear to me more reasonable, than those who open a Book with no other Design than to find Faults in it, I declare, that without being in the least concern'd at the severe Eruditions of the latter, I write only for the Amusement of the other.

I shall not take upon me to draw his Picture: As to his Person, Bussi and St. Evremond, two Writers rather entertaining than faithful, have said something of it. The first has represented the Chevalier De Grammont as artful, fickle, and even somewhat treacherous in Love; indefatigable, and cruel in Point of Jealousie; St. Evremond has used other Colours to express his Genius, and give a general Prospect of his Manners: But, both the one and the other have got more Credit by their different Draughts, than they have done Justice to their Hero.

'Tis therefore to the Count De Grammont himself we must listen, while he give us an agreeable Relation of the Sieges and Battles, wherein he distinguished himself in Company with another Hero. And 'tis him we must believe in less glorious Passages of his Life, when the Sincerity, with which he displays his Address, Vivacity, Tricks, and divers Strategems, he has made use of, either in Love or at Play, expresses his Character to the Life.

'Tis to him, I say, we must attend the following Papers; since I do but hold the Pen, while he dictates to me, the most singular and most secret Particulars of his Life.

CHAP. II.

In those Days, things were not managed in France, as at the present time. Lewis XIII. reigned still, and Cardinal De Richlieu governed the Kingdom. Great Men commanded little Armies, and yet those Armies perform'd great Things. The Fortune of the great Men at Court depended on the Favour of the Prime Minister; nor was there any solid Settlement in any Post, unless by being entirely devoted to him. Vast Designs laid in the very Heart of Neighbouring States, the Foundation of that formidable Greatness, to which France is now arrived. The Reins of the Civil Government were, however, somewhat slacken'd: The Roads were pester'd with Robbers by Day, and the Streets by Night; but Robberies were committed elsewhere with greater Impunity. Young Men, upon their first Entrance into the World, took what Course they thought best. Whoever pleased, was a Chevalier; and whoever could, an Abbé. I mean an Abbé with a Benefice. The Chevalier and the Abbé were not distinguished'd by their Habits: And I think that the Chevalier De Grammont was both the one and the other at the Siege of Trino. This was, it seems his first Campaign, whrein he shew'd those happy Dispositions that bespeak and command a favourable Prepossession; so that whoever is Master of them, needs neither Friends to be introduc'd, nor Reommendations to be agreeably entertain'd wherever he comes.

The Siege was form'd upon his Arrival, which spar'd him some Temerities; for, a Volunteer cannot rest unless he receives the first Shot. He therefore went to reconnoitre the Generals, there being nothing to be done of that Kind, as to the Place. Prince Thomas commanded the Army, and the Post of Lieutenant-General being unknown, in those Days, Du Plessis-Praslin, and the famous Viscount Turenne were Majors-General under him. . . .

Hey everyone:)

It is daylight Savings Time over here, so I am up at the equivalent of 6:30 am and quite enjoying it....no one else is up. A lot of times I actually will get up at six o' clock anyways. Daylight Savings Times is always strange, because the clock in here says 7:30, but you look outside and it is still a little dark. Wow, I'm rambling. I guess the time change is affecting me (and I didn't think it would). I was just kidding about it affecting me (I can get a little dramatic early in the morning). The time change doesn't bug me. In fact, I feel quite awake, although I did work the late night shift last night. Today's my day off though, so I am feeling quite good.

Anyways, I just finished Jane Austen's book "Sense and Sensibility" and I found it quite thrilling......sounds weird, but it is quite true. I about had a heart attack when "Edward Ferris" came back to "Elinor" after she thought he was married. "Sense and Sensibility" runs along pretty much the same lines as "Pride and Prejudice," but in certain ways it isn't like it at all. It is about these three girls (in the 18th century) whose father dies and all three of them are left to their own devices (with their mother taking care of them). Now in those days all the money from the father went to men. So, that is exactly what happens, their brother receives the dough. In this book the sisters "Elinor", "Marianne," and "Margaret" are out learning to be themselves and maybe fall in love. "Elinor" falls into a pretty healthy relationship....until she finds out he is engaged. "Marianne" falls into a bad relationship with this guy who is just using her for his own sport. It all turns alright in the end, but it is one bumpy ride into the human psychology.

"Elinor" is a great character in itself, because she is so kind. She sees the good in everyone. She is also the more level-headed of all the characters. Probably one of the only characters in the book that you would  consider well-rounded. My favorite character in the book is "Marianne." She has great spirit about her, but she can get very mired down in her circumstances. What I love "Marianne" for is that she gets out there, shows her heart and tries, although she falls pretty hard when she doesn't get what her little yearning heart asked for. As far as the guys go....they are never quite as strong in a Jane Austen book, but that is sort of how men were back then. Plus, we have to take into account that the book was written by a woman and, therefore; understood the girl characters over the male. "Willoughby" is one of the stronger characters. He is the one that basically seduces "Marianne" for his own means (so he can satisfy his ego). Selfish and haphazardly to the core, he brings me back to a a couple of people I have known in times go by. Then there is "Colonel Brandon" who is my absolute favorite guy character. He falls quietly in love with "Marianne" and is great friends with her sister "Elinor." He is a little older than all the guys, but he is honorable, kind, and a good friend. The most interesting part of the characters in this book is that they are so interesting psychologically. I think part of that is that the book takes part in another place and time (for me anyways).

Has anybody ever seen the movies? If I were you I would see the version with Emma Thompson ("Elinor"), Kate Winslet ("Marianne"), Hugh Grant ("Edward Ferris"), and Alan Rickman ("Colonel Brandon"). I absolutely love it. As a plus side it is not six hours (like "Pride and Prejudice"), it is a regular length movie.......although my favorite part of "Pride and Prejudice" is that it was a six hour movie....I know, I am a Jane Austen freak and I am proud of it. The movie was very good, but naturally there is not enough time to show everything that is happening in the book. There was a lot of different versions made of the movie, but take my word for it that this is the best. I think there was even a 1930s version. I can't be sure on that....

As far as themes go for the book....guess! That's right, sense and sensibility in society. "Elinor" is our pivotal character in this theme, because she is the one that represents sensibility in this book. Her only way she falters from that point is because she is in love and she refuses to see how the one she loves has done her wrong. "Marianne" is our character to represent sense. She is everything about falling into the way you feel about everything around you. She is our emotional character and, therefore; represents part the part of sense. The book is about finding a balance between the two. We need to feel with our hearts, but we also need to use our heads to check it. When they do, in the book, "Marianne" gets "Colonel Brandon" and "Elinor" gets "Edward Ferris." What a great read!

Anybody who has not tried Jane Austen has to try this book at least once. You will fall in love with the characters and Jane Austen will make you care about everything that is happening to them. My favorite Jane Austen book still is "Pride and Prejudice," but if you are a Jane Austen virgin then "Sense and Sensibility"is a good start for you.

Also, I am really excited, because I just picked up two books. I am reading one on the lead actresses of the studio era (yay) and "The Untethered Soul," because my mom told me I absolutely have to read it. So, read it I will (she's got great taste in books).

I'm off to a nice relaxing day......even if the family circus is in town (that's right my brothers are coming ). Anyways, I will talk to you all later.

Have a great day:)

Anyway, this isn't going to be a long post. It just got me thinking about the ecosystem and how whales are part of the foodchain. I started wondering, not just about the whales as majestic mammals and how they should be left in peace, but what happens to the foodchain when the Japanese and others finally demolish them as a species and they can no longer propogate. Besides the tragic loss, could this be another element of man made Earth destruction that will add to our potential demise?

That gets me thinking of another thing which I won't go into case I have things to do, but in 100,000 years, will aliens come to earth and find artifacts of an intelligent life form that somehow managed to make themselves extinct? Will the science fiction stories of human descendants come true with people coming back one day to find out what went wrong on earth and why there are no longer any humans living here?

Hey everyone:)

Here I am again. Blogging away. I am so glad I got into blogging. I just love it to death. What a weird mood I'm in today. Anyways, my subject today is going to be Jane Austen's "Pride and Prejudice." I absolutely love that book. It is one of my favorites (although my favorite of favorites goes to Ayn Rand's "Fountainhead"). Anyways, I just read it again for about the fourth time. Although it has been a very long time since I have read it. I enjoyed as much as I always have. Most of the time I wonder why, because I know a lot of people would find the work boring considering it is about a bunch of people from the 18th century who are busy being intertwined in each other's life. Then I realized that is exactly why I love it....I love hearing about other times and places. Plus, I love the psychology of the human mind. It is absolutely fascinating. It amazes me sometimes that they are much the same in the 18th century England as we are in 21st century United States. I mean, naturally the etiquette and the way things were are different. As people we haven't changed much. We still have pride, prejudice, jealousy, and happiness like they did back then. I think what I love most about this book is that Jane Austen wrote the lead character Elizabeth with such spirit for a girl in the 1700s. I just love it. It makes me think of me and how I would have been back then.

Now, there are two different versions of the movie. I would suggest the first one. It is one of those six hour movies where your boyfriend will be crying at the end....not because it is so good, but probably because you bribed him into this in exchange for (you know what) and he just wants the thing to end. All in all, you will enjoy it. The beautifully cast british group does so much justice to the work that even Jane Austen would be proud. If you have ever watched "Bridget Jone's Diary" then you will know that Mr. Darcy is played by the true love interest in this movie. Great actor!

As far as the new one goes.....I didn't like it as much as the old one. Everyone might hate me after this statement, but I really do not like Keira Knightly all that much. Don't get me wrong, she is good in movies where the director has to lead her around by her nose, or she is playing herself. I'm sure as a person she is really great too, but as an actress I am not all that pleased. I honestly do not think she deserved the Academy Award nomination for this movie, but she got it. The movie is fine. I just think it is really hard to not make an eight hour movie on a Jane Austen book. They are so complicated.

Anyways, I am glad to get all that out. Now on to "Sense and Sensibility....."

I knew Phase II had arrived. Its symptom was unmistakable. I was tired. The amount of work coming from the dictionary job ran up against the short-term deadlines and heavier workload from the ethics board. Family needs took up more time. The ethics board work increased even more. And then there was the point of it all, my writing projects. I realized that I not only couldn’t keep spinning 20 plates on sticks forever, but I didn’t want to. Where some people revel in that level of activity or that challenge, I did not. That, in itself, was telling.

Going back to Mr. Shulevitz’s advice: “You must listen to yourself from your own depths and become acquainted with your own true self . . . learn which is you and which is NOT you. You are what you truly love.” My husband’s reminder felt viscerally real: I wasn’t getting any younger and I needed to stop trying to be what I was not.

I let go of the dictionary work. While it was a good job, I wasn’t meant to be a lexicographer. I throttled back on the ethics board work. It was time for that directive: “Be alone with yourself . . . Achieve inner silence.” In my case that came partly from renewing my dormant practice of meditation and prayer, as well as just, being alone. You can’t run from yourself. To be a writer, if you're going to have anything worth saying, you must learn your own truth. And it’s only in the quiet moments that the voice within can be heard.

For the first time, I stepped back from my work and took a look at the big picture. I listened to Mr. Shulevitz and sorted out the voices without and within, I looked to see what themes kept repeating themselves in me and my work. That’s when things started to come clear.

I love nature. I loved being 10 and climbing trees and fences and running free in the neighborhood – that time of childhood where you are most capable, where adventure and innocence are at their crest, before the trials and tribulations of adolescence set in. I love castles, the Revolutionary War, diners and the sixties and the blue collar, ethnic world I grew up in. And mythology.

I noticed that I collected, and still do, every silly, touching or factual story about nature, animals, and zoos. I kept a nature journal of our backyard bird feeder and the pond area and collected 3 years of information. I identified with creatures either too small or too much in the background to get noticed, and I was that nature-geek, driven to learn about every tiny sea creature that lived under the ocean pier.

I also knew I'd probably never draw comic strips, or write romance novels, science fiction, or true crime. Nothing against any of those genres, by the way. In fact I am fascinated by the genres of comics and romance novels – they are unique worlds and they seem cool and fun. They just aren’t my talent. And no, I will not try to write any more picture books. In truth, my husband has that voice.

I started to define the projects that were me:

A mid-grade novel set in Williamsburg Virginia during the Revolution. A mid-grade novel set in a 1960s blue collar ethnic New England town, of course, set in a diner. A historical fiction set in 1200s England on the Welsh Marches borderlands. A chapter-book of Greek mythology stories. A fantasy trilogy involving the world of a groundhog living at a highway rest stop, who faces the battle of ultimate evil, personal despair, loss, and emergence into wisdom. And a present day Tween novel of a girl above the pier, in another diner of course, and a hermit crab below the pier.

There is also a love of tweaky, short non-fiction articles about history and . . . nature. I rediscovered a love of and need for essays, which I will write about separately.

I started collecting reference books for all of these projects. Nature guides. Historical fiction. Topographical and historical maps of England and Wales. I made a plaster of paris model of the castle that my lord built, incorporating the latest high-tech gadgets of the early 1200s.

I pinned my project papers everywhere – the study walls were covered on one side with the pier story - maps of the fictitious town, topographical maps of Narragansett Bay, schematic of the diner of my dreams, the one I'd have if I had the money. The other side of the study has the groundhog world – map of the rest, deep woods, nearby farms. The hallway, spare room and stairwell have 1700s Williamsburg, while the den downstairs houses maps of England, schematics of the castle, and the castle model itself.

I even have two webcams up on my computer that allow me to step into 1700s Williamsburg whenever I want. I can see the view down Duke of Gloucester Street or watch the goings-on at the Raleigh Tavern any time day or night. I even had a lobster-cam until that one broke. So I had to settle for the DVD, Realm of the Lobster, that has footage of the undersea world of the lobster in the Gulf of Maine. I found that in this cool marine store store, Hamilton Marine, up in Searsport, Maine. Great website and catalog! Everything from diesel boat cabin heaters and EPIRBS, to cold-water rescue suits and ship's bells. My next purchase from them will be a hand-crafted wind bell that sounds like a harbor buoy. They even give you the choice of 13 different bells - each one sounding like a buoy in a different place - Bar Harbor, Portland Head, Camden Reach, Outer Banks, etc. I use anything that puts me in the place of my stories.

I started painting again and even did one for the pier story. I bought a new digital camera and started shooting pictures . . . once I stopped being afraid of the thing. It only sat in a box for 2 years. In both painting and photography, I noticed the themes of nature, broken things and overlooked things.

And the words mosaics and broken bits, kept surfacing.

Finally, exhausted, I left the ethics board job. It had gotten to be so much work I was too drained to write. Besides, it was no longer who I was. Revisiting Stage One, I collected outside information as it applied to the projects I wanted to do, from sources like Writer’s Digest magazine, The Writer, countless writing newsletters, market guides and writing books.

All of this I did silently. Alone. Immersed in my own world. And I came to accept that I will work alone. Others can prepare you, teach you, assist you, but when you finally stand at the edge of that dark forest- your own inner world - you must face that one alone. It's that line from the movie, The Empire Strikes Back. Luke Skywalker is about to enter an area of the swamp where evil lives. He asks Yoda what is in there. Yoda's response: "Only what you take with you."

All that was left now was to pick which project came up on deck first. My groundhog story was fairly well outlined. The 1700s Williamsburg novel had some drafts done, characters fleshed out, rejection slips collected. The Under the Pier story had an equal amount of journaling, drafts, and character work finished. The other projects were much further back in the data collection and journaling stages. One day in confused desperation I asked God to please "pick a nipple for me." A few days later we stopped at Science Safari, a tweaky science store for kids. Sitting atop the discards pile on the sale table outside, was a stuffed hermit crab. My husband and son spotted it. I knew who sent it, so I bought it. The answer had been sent: Start with Under the Pier.

UP NEXT: A Sidetrip to Essays - But the Bus NEVER Came Up This Far on the Curb Before!

THEN: Phase Three: Coming Into My Own - The Evolution of a Novel.

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Introduction

Trás-os-Montes is located in the North East of Portugal, it is a land-locked region close to the Spanish border. The silk industry started there in the 15th century but silkworms had been reared in the region since the 1200s. Although a significant part of the activity was located in Bragança, lesser towns and the countryside also enjoyed a share of it (Vinhais, Freixo de Espadaà Cinta, Chacim) (1).

Cycles (1450-1770)

By the mid-15th century, the production in Bragança was monopolized by the Duke of Guimarães (the town’s donatário). The velvet of the region quickly gained national reputation. The local sericulture and industry took full advantage of the Portuguese industrial boom of 1670-1690. Bragança’s factory was resuscitated by experts from Toledo dispatched by the king.

“The discovery of gold in Brazil (1697), followed by a treaty with England (1703), which allowed the free entry of English woolen fabrics, brought an end to the industrialization process that had begun in the reign of Dom Pedro II. Nevertheless, records show that in 1721-1724, Bragança had 30 registered spinning-wheels and 350 looms, while Freixo de Espada à Cinta had more than 100 looms.” By 1750, the Brangança silk factory had once again fallen into decay. This crisis due to counterfeiting and poor quality lasted until 1770-3 (2).

Causes of the crises

Three factors can chiefly account for this cycle of prosperity and depression:

• The lack of policies of industrial protection and development: before the Marquis of Pombal, the state did not support the Trás-os-Montes industries. The Crown’s backing of the Rato silk factory in Lisbon even proved harmful during the second industrial boom (1720-40) (3).
• The wars and conflicts that directly affected Trás-os-Montes: the Spanish armies invaded the region several ties between 1640 and 1763. It contributed to the processes of depopulation and desertification of the North East. For instance, at the beginning of the Wars of Restauration (1640) Bragança had 1500 inhabitants, only 500 were left at the end of the conflict eight years later. Wars also reduced the size of market for silk by closing the Spanish border.
• The Inquisition: from 1580 to 1755, the Holy Office brought to trial local Jews and New Christians (cristãos-novos) in their thousands. It brought chaos in the region and can explain some of the recurrent decadence of the region’s production (4). No other economic activity was as heavily repressed in these waves of trials as the silk industry. Moreover, many businessmen and artisans fled the Inquisition. Freixo, which suffered the least from the persecutions, was also the centre of production with the most regular production (5). The Holy Office’s action were certainly responsible for the depopulation of the Brangança disctrict which went from 20,000 in 1557-78 to 8,000 in 1636 (no war, famine or plague could explain that) (6).

The resurrection (1770-1834)

In the last two decades of the 18th century, the active modernisation of the trade by entrepreneurial businessmen (some of whom installed 200 silk looms in one go in Brangança) dragged the industry out of the crisis the last wave of persecutions by the Inquisition (1750-5) had created. They imported the best practice (Piemontese mills and the spinning-jenny) Some Italian experts were brought in and settled (7).

The new-comers did not moved to Bragança because they wanted a full control over the production. The Arnauds for instance installed their spinning school and their filature on Chacim. In Bragança alone 950 workers were employed in the silk industry (18% of the population).

Local weavers and producers resisted the introduction of the Piedmontese methods. But protectionist legislation guaranteed the industry’s success anyway by providing a privileged access to the national and Brazilian markets. In 1794, 1732 workers were operating the region’s looms. But the lack of competition meant that counterfeit fabric and foreign ones gradually offered better quality, diversity and prices (8). The usefulness of luxury factories in Portugal (which being poor had little use for it) was often questioned at the time.

Final crisis

The French invasion of 1807-10 struck a disastrous blow to the industry. At the same time, Brazil was forced to open to foreign imports. Portugal was overwhelmed by Britain’s newly found industrial might.

The lack of investment, the difficulties to implement technological advances and the little entrepreneurship displayed impeded Trás-os-Montes’ modern industrialisation (9). The region’s silk industry never recovered. The independence of Brazil deprived it from a large market in the 1820s. At the same period, English and Chinese cloth proved too strong a competition even on the regional market. At the same time, Porto’s own silk industry was on the rise (10).

The region’s production structure remained small-scale, rural and dispersed and kept using old machines. In the early 19th century, the quality of the local raw material also collapsed. Finally, social strife hindered any effort to better the situation (Bragança was even ransacked in 1826) (11).
As a result, the region went from producing 177936 meters of fabric in 1794 to 4554 in 1829 (12).

Conclusion

The otherwise backward Trás-os-Montes region had benefited from the presence of local sericulture installed since the late middle age. It benefited from the collapse of the Kingdom of Grenanda and the exile of the traditional Spanish silk weavers: the Moors. Many Spaniards actually sought refuge in the region (13).

Until the 19th century, the regional silk industry economic cycles matched the national ones. But after the French invasion, while the rest of the Portuguese silk industry thrived, the one of the Bragança district quickly disappeared.

Creoles, in the American sense of the word, are the French who founded New Orleans and Louisiana, whether they be white, black or mixed in colour. Many are part French, Spanish, African and Native American. Most light-skinned black Americans with French names are Creoles. Among other things, Creoles gave us jazz, zydeco, Mardi Gras, the old New Orleans and creole cooking. Audubon was Creole. Beyonce is part Creole.

Creoles are not the same as Cajuns. The Cajuns are French too, but they came to Louisiana later, coming from Canada. They are whiter and more country.

Creole roots go back not to the four Englands that created America, but back to the Caribbean, France and even Senegal in Africa, back even to the Mali empire. They are Latin, not Anglo. That is why the old New Orleans is in some ways more like Havana or Rio than New York or Chicago. That is why it does not seem like such a grey place.

The Creoles were a separate people in the 1700s and 1800s. They were Catholic and spoke French, not English. But these days most have become ordinary Americans.

Where Americans came in two main colours - black and white - Creoles came in three colours: black, white and mixed. Like in Brazil, they did not follow the One Drop Rule. Between the white Creoles at the top and the dark-skinned slaves at the bottom was a broad middle made up of free people of colour.

Most mixed Creoles were not slaves but free. They were shopkeepers, dressmakers, silversmiths and traders. They owned houses and could read. Many had been sent to France to get an education. In war they fought under their own commanding officers. These are the people who would later give the world jazz music.

But they were not completely equal to whites: they could not vote or hold public office; they could not marry a white person or sit in the white part of the opera house.

There were not many white women in Louisiana in the old days. Yet white Creole men thought quadroon women, who were one-fourth black, were very beautiful. Often a white man in his 20s would take a quadroon lover, buy her a house, have children by her and support the family. This was known as placage. Later in his 30s he might marry white and have a second family. If he did not, then his wealth would go to his mixed children.

Creole law saw slaves as humans while American law saw them as property. Under Creole law a slave could take his master to court or even earn money and buy his freedom.

Napoleon sold Louisiana to America in 1803 to raise money for his wars. It was largely left alone till the late 1800s. Then white Americans started to take over. They brought in their One Drop Rule. Some Creoles stayed and became black Americans or Cajuns. Others moved away, especially to Texas, California and Chicago.

See also:

• French
• Catholic
• ideas about race:
  • One Drop Rule
  • Race in America
  • Race in Brazil
  • The word “black”
• A guide to Anglos
• America
• Creoles:
  • Vilayna Lasalle
  • Sabrina LeBeauf

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Introduction

Including space in the models developed by the economists is something relatively new. Each good, service and factor has its own geography which may have nothing to do with administrative frontiers (1215). The question of supply and demand can be enriched by issues regarding space and the actors involved. The understanding in 18th century France (Gournay, Turgot, Necker) that failures of the demand or the supply can lead to catastrophes, triggered interest for trade (the liberty of the grain trade being one of the most important political battles of the 18th century in the kingdom). Space was an essential problem that policymakers of the time tackled by constructing roads, waterways and by redefining the administrative division of the French territory (1216).

The transformation of the fairs and markets network in the 1760s is an excellent example of this attention to space-related issues. This redefinition of the commercial flows reflects the realities of production and consumption as well as the opposition of interests and ideas

Theory

Cantillon

Richard Cantillon was the first to both analyse the function of the village’s market and criticized the way they were granted by the administration (not on their objective qualities but depending on the influence of the local lords and landowners). Markets according to Cantillon decreased transport costs and allowed a better allocation of goods. It increased the quantities of potential buyers and sellers (1217). Above all, it decreaseed information costs and thus favoured a better competition.

Cantillon also remarked that there ought to be a higher density of markets where the population is denser as it reflects greater resources (1218). Cantillon was also amongst the first one to highlight the importance of the merchants-entrepreneurs (packaging, transport, stocking, marketing), all the exchanges above the village level depended on them. Their work and the risks (i.e. uncertainty) ought to allow the merchants to gain from trade. They added value to their merchandise by bringing it to the consumer (this vision may seem mundane now, but was original then, as the merchant was often seen as a parasite) (1219).

Turgot

Turgot remarked that customs and privileges diverted most of the trade toward a few important cities. These customs and privileges hurt commerce in general but benefited a happy few. It increased transportation costs (instead of going to the most practical marketplace, one had to go to the one the administration had picked), regulations led to an irrational organisation of the trade (some goods products couldn't be sold in some places to maintain artificially the income of established merchants), it negatively affected consumers’ behaviours and limited the traders’ possibilities (1220).

The results of the regulated system were polar opposites to what they were intended for: irregular supplies, high prices and limited the merchant’s profits. Mercantilist policies divided de facto France in hundreds of counties more or less autarkic (and as such fragile) (1221). The system favoured the consumer over the merchant but actually hurt both; for Turgot, all actors ought to be equals. Demand and supply had to be the only force deciding when and where the merchants could trade (they needed enough consumers, and to be within a reasonable range of the production place, etc.). In turn, buyers seeking good prices will go where the merchants were (1222).

Turgot’s model was very thorough. It was based on a hierarchy of markets: the bigger ones sold more products, and a greater variety of good; their influence reached further geographically than the lesser ones. For Turgot, free trade alone ought to define how the environment was organized (1223).

Necker

Necker was a neo-Colbertist, as such for him everything was political. He saw the trade of the luxury, semi-luxury and manufactured goods as being the merchants’ business, but the trade of subsistence goods (grain) was too important to be left to them. As the general interest was at stake, the trade had to be regulated by the government (1224). The consumer being poor, un-organized and entirely dependent on the producers’ and the merchants’ good will, they had to be protected. How could there be freedom when one of the two actors commands the other’s very life? Moreover free market tends to evolve into a monopoly or an oligopoly, which are dangerous for the consumer and the producer (1225).

It is the state’s role to make sure that the merchants don’t disturb the direct relationship between producers and consumers. The territory should thus be covered with small markets where the consumers could meet the small landowners and tenants so as to settle on the most equitable price possible. But this of course goes against the other aim of the neo-Colbertists: increasing the number of manufactures, which would increase the density in some places and thus limit the possibilities of direct meeting between local producers and the consumers (1226).

How did it actually work?

By the end of the Old Regime, most of the important merchants were not attending fairs any more, they bought directly from the producers. The lesser merchants and the consumers were the ones who attended fairs, which, in most cases, only dealt in regional agricultural goods. Overall, there were only about half a dozen of fairs of national importance. The rise of small local fairs and markets went along with a change of mentality amongst the peasants and artisans, they took conscience of the advantages of commercialisation and division of labour. This ideal of the market-oriented small producers equals amongst them and facing the commercial elite was to be very important during the Revolution (1227).

These new markets were necessarily located 3 to 4 miles away from the producers (otherwise transportation costs were too high), it allowed the direct 'collision' between producers and consumers (i.e. not mediated by a merchant) that Cantillon described as being the best way for both to get the best price. This radius was too small for most of the bigger village to be efficient, here laid the cause of the struggle between small landowners on the one hand and big landlords and merchants on the other; the two groups did not have the same conception of space: the latter needed a much less tight network of markets than the formers as they could transport their products away more easily (1228).

The rise of a network

For the lesser producers, a close-by market was the only way to meet other buyers than the big merchants and thus to enjoy the fruits of competition. Markets were to happen twice or thrice a month or seasonally to provide the instruments of trade (before the harvest for instance). But these small markets were only rarely a mean to open the local economy to the regional or national one. Most of the time, the market allowed the allocation of resources within the county but not beyond. The rise to power of the small producers came at the expense of integration of the various local economies to a larger market, and there was little redistribution between the centres and the peripheries (1229).

This movement shows the lack of trust between the producers and their partners in charge of distributing their products. The rise of the rural proto-industry provided potential local consumers to the lesser markets; the consumers too were keen on breaking the monopoly of the merchants. On average these counties demanding new markets had 2 or 3,000 inhabitants (1230).

Margairaz considers these local economies as the direct cause of the development of the autarkic ideal of the sans-culottes (1232). Seasonal fairs where tools, cattle and groceries were available did not have a large range: the equivalent of a few local economies at most, i.e 20 to 30 km radius. They had to be held every week or so, as a result, most of the retailers actually owned a full-time shop in a nearby town which was usually the centre of this provincial economy (1233).

Conclusion: what changed?

The second half of the 18th century saw a multiplication of the lesser fairs in medium-sized villages with no other advantage than being close to the producers and the strengthening of the towns as commercial centres. The liberals had managed to shake down the privileges of the ancient fairs, and the economic utility became the basic rational for the establishment of new fairs, their number was not restricted anymore to favour rent-seeking aristocrats (1234). This liberal switch was to be complete with the Revolution but, based on the idea of general interest, but the management of fairs (their creation mostly) was still centralised, thus preventing bottom-up movements (1236). The administration mostly tried to enhance the performances of the fairs by rationalising their place and time. But, their scope was now strictly local or – at best – regional (1237). This rationalisation of the commercial environment was the economic parallel to the administrative and political unification of France during the Revolution (1238).

Introduction

In the extremely slow early modern economy, having a good network to carry information as quickly as possible meant being competitive. Prices varied a lot from one place to the other, being informed on time meant one's success or one's ruin. During the 18th century, French merchants were very passive in the northern seas, they had no information network; on the other hand, the Scandinavian traders were emerging quickly as one of the main players of the region (191). Consuls – present mostly in port towns such as Bordeaux, Nantes, Bergen, or Dantzig – were a key element in the chain relaying information.

Choice of the consuls

The French consuls were all directly nominated by the king since 1681. Officially, all the consuls were meant to be French and the employees were all supposed to be Catholic. But there were a few exceptions (192). In 1691, the consuls became civil servants and were, as such, banned from getting involved in trade. Once more, the rule was not always observed, still being consul did not made one rich, the position was not really sought and many posts were left empty (193). Most of the consuls did not have a commercial background but rather an administrative or judiciary one (194).

The Swedish consuls on the contrary had necessarily a commercial experience. The royal Kommerskollegium nominated the consuls but usually they followed the recommendation of the trader community. The merchant elite association of Stockholm (Grosshandelsocieten), in particular, was instrumental in the nomination process. The Kommerskollegium tried as often as possible to chose Swedish nationals, but as late as 1789, 17 of 48 consuls were not Swedes. The position was prestigious and actively sought after. There were dynasties of consuls (195). As the consul was also the agent of the Swedish merchant, the latter took great care in picking one.

The Danes had a system similar to the Swedish one. Most of their consuls were foreigners, like in the case of Sweden, the king of France refused that his subjects became consuls for a foreign nation (196). The Scandinavian consuls were often rewarded by nobility titles granted from the kings (197).

Consular networks

There were only 7 French consulates from Hamburg to St Petersburg, plus a few short-lived vice-consulates (198). On the other hand, in 1787, there were 8 Danish consuls and 30 vice-consuls in France alone. Most of them had been created after the commercial treaty of 1742 (199). Sweden had 17 consuls in France by 1789 and an undetermined number of vice-consuls (200). The density of the Scandinavian networks compensated the lack of large merchant communities for the circulation of information.

Paying the consuls

The French consuls' wages covered the bare minimum, they often lost money while in that position (201). They also earn a share of the consulage paid by the ship captains, but the later tried their very best not to pay any tax. On the other hand, the Swedish consuls received no wages from the crown (202). They were only entitled to a small tax paid by Swedish ship captains and all those that used their services in general. They also enjoyed the advantage that their cargoes or those of people using them as agents paid no taxes. As a result, the consuls concentrated most of the Swedish trade, which gave them (and the Swedish products in general) an edge in terms of economies of scale.

The Danish consuls complained that there were too few Danish ships and that among those too few paid consulage for them to ensure a decent livelihood (203). Eventually some of them even relinquish the modest wages paid to the consul.

The consul: a key element

The consuls were meant to represent their sovereign. They were diplomats, judges and notaries at the same time. There were also in charge of commercial intelligence (gathering information, proposing improvements, etc.). The French consuls with a commercial background were the most active, keen on spreading the Scandinavian innovations in France and to find new markets for the French products (204).

The Scandinavian consuls were required to produce more and more detailed information than their French counterparts their employers being a commercial organisation. Typically they send one report a month to Copenhaguen and Stockholm (while the French one do so only every three months) (205). All these information were collected and at the disposal of the merchants. In Denmark, there was a yearly publication of these information after 1782. There were noticeably entrepreneurial to find new market for their Danish or Swedish merchants (206).

French lack of ambition

Totally inefficient consuls were sometimes left at their post by the diplomatic authorities which did not really care about commercial matters. The French trade in the Northern seas was not very developed, which often meant that the government saw no need to endure the expenses of a consul there. Consequently, the French merchants lacked information about the region and trade never expanded (207). For instance, there was no French consul in Copenhaguen from 1760 to 1776 (208).

On the contrary, the Scandinavians created two extensive consular networks before their trade became important in France an in other parts of Europe. These networks became important source of information, they were crucial for the development of the Swedish and Danish commerce and seafaring activities (209).

References

• Baron S.-H. (1995) "Henri Lavie and the failed campaign to expand Franco-Russian commercial relations (1712-1723)", Forschungen zur osteuropäischen Geschichte (Beiträge zur 7. Internationalen Konferenz zur Geschichte des Kiever und des Moskauer Reiches), Berlin.
• Constant G. (1960) "De Hambourg à Marseille. Jean-Christophe Hornbostel (1736-1832)", Marseille, 42.
• Lüthy H. (1959) La banque protestante en France de la révocation de l'édit de Nantes à la révolution, Paris.
• Mézin A. (1997) Les Consuls de France au siècle des Lumières (1715-1792), Paris.
• Müller L. (2004) Consuls, corsairs and commerce. The Swedish consular service and long-distance shipping, 1720-1815, Uppsala.
• Müller L. and Jojala J. (2002) "Consular service of the Nordic countries during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries", Research in Maritime History, 22.
• Pfister-Langanay C. (1985) Ports, navires et négociants à Dunkeque (1662-1672), Dunkerque.

Introduction

Merchant traveled less often with their merchandize during the 17th and 18th century then before. But their business still required them to move regularly within a network of partners and parents. Despite the rise of an intolerant catholicism in Portugal in the second half of the 17th, foreign merchants kept moving in the kingdom, chiefly looking for colonial products. In 1647, the English had obtained the right to practice freely their religion in Portugal (275).

Who converted?

As long as there was no proselytism, the German, Dutch and English merchants could practice their protestant religion in Portugal. A taxation system favourable to the natives, made taking the Portuguese nationality appealing, but as it required also to adopt the customs of the land (i.e. convert to Catholicism) few took the opportunity. Those who did had to be interviewed by the tribunals of the Inquisition (the author uses their archives for this article) (276).

Converting opened the way to Brazil, a good way to jump start a trading career, which explains why adventurers (soldiers and sailors) did so more often then the established merchants. Most of those who did were English (39%) and German (26%) (278).

Why converting?

Some apprentices sent by their parents to learn the trade were as young as 13 years old. They were easily influenced by their environment (279). Elder merchants who converted after 15 years spent in Portugal did so for more religious reasons. For instance, a British consul converted on his death bed, considering that Catholicism gave him a better chance to save his soul. This was often seen as a treason by the new convert's family. On the other hand, those who changed religion for more opportunistic purposes often remained in contact with their parents.

One would often delay his conversion fearing that the rupture it would imply would be detrimental to his business. It would also mean being casted out his nation's community in Portugal and lose access to its dynamic commercial network and to its credit facilities (280). Other reasons were sometimes mentioned to exlain a conversion: a divine intervention saved one from danger, or the wish to marry a Portuguese woman (an important issue since the trading communities were overwhelmingly composed of males) (282).

Conclusion

The integration into the Portuguese society was often difficult as ultimately one would always remain a stranger and somewhat branded by his former religion (283). But it also happened that powerful foreign merchants (and moreover their sons) integrate the Portuguese gentry and the ecclesiastical elite (285).

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The creation of the Company of the Wines of the High Douro took place at a time when many of these companies were created by the state. By the 1740s when the talks about the creation of the company started, Port wines (or Oporto wines as they were then called) had already a thousands years history and had met international success on the western European markets since the 1600s.

The early 18th century saw the rise of the British merchants as a regional power group. From 1716 to 1749, on average some 20,000 barrels were exported a year, costing 60,000 to 72,000 each. But in the 1740s, the Douro region suffered a productive crisis. Diversification became necessary (new recipes, lesser standard, imported products) and led to overproduction, low quality and loss of prestige in the following decade (3).

As a result, prices fell by over 30%. The population of the region highly dependent upon the wine trade suffered heavily. The foreign merchants end up by asking in 1754 for a return to the traditional production methods and a greater division of labour on the production side to guarantee a competitive environment. Moreover, a specific production zone is set up to produce exclusively fine wines (one of, if not the, first agricultural product of controlled origins).

The Company was created to make sure that the producers would get a decent price for their wine (by limiting the supply if need be) so as to avoid the type of crisis that nearly wrecked the Port wines reputation in the 1740s (5). It started operating with a capital of 40,000 reis (half in wine, half in bullion). A particularly lenient fiscal regime showed the government’s support to the enterprise and proved attractive for shareholders from Portugal and England alike (6).

Export increased by over 50% from 1750-7 to 1774-6 (8). This success of the enlightened centralism of the marquis de Pombal – despite a few critics – led to the creation of other companies such as the Real Companhia da Agricultura e Comércio das Províncias do Minho e de Tràs-os-Montes.
At the regional level, the Company proved game-changing. It organised vertically, concentrated and subordinated to the often violent state authority the winemaking process. It turned an informal industry into a highly organised one (9).

The rise of the company decreased the might of the regional establishment such as the British merchants and the major landowners (latifundiários) by unifying the producers into one body enjoying a monopoly. By maintaining the quality as constant and predictable as possible it reinforced the reputation of the product and improved the well being of the population(10). Over all, it reinforced the Douro’s position as one of the most productive agricultural regions in Europe (11).

References

• Pereira Gaspar Martins (1989) “O Vinho do Porto, o Alto Douro e a Companhiana Época Pombalina (1756/1777)”, in Bernardo José de Sousa Guerra, Separata de Estudos Transmontanos,Vila Real, 2.
• Tengarrinha Jorge (2000) “Contestação rural e Revolução Liberal em Portugal”, in Tengarrinha Jorge História de Portugal, São Paulo: UNESP/EDUSC.
• Fisher Hes (2006) The Portugal Trade: A Study of Anglo-Portuguese Commerce 1700-1770, London: Routledge.
• Oliveira Amélia (1999) Real Companhia da Agricultura e Comércio das Províncias do Minho e de Trásos- Montes, Douro: Estudos & Documentos, 8, 144-153.

Definition of “pre-modern growth”

The income per capita advantage enjoyed before the Industrial Revolution (IR) by subsequently first-world developed countries (Europe, its offshoots and Japan). Meaning that income level before IR would be a proxy of incomes level in 1973.

The very peculiar Japanese case

The second half of Tokugawa period in Japan was characterized by a steady – if slow – output growth while population remained unchanged (eg. +3% in 1721-46). “What combination of factors held population in check for this long in the face of expanding output – especially after previous rapid growth – is one of the most important and mysterious secret of Japanese social history” (128). Although, these advantages were not evenly distributed.

If both the West and Japan knew pre-modern growth before IR, the nature of that pre-modern growth was different: urban population stagnated or decreased in the most advanced parts of the country; although, lesser castle-towns located in backward areas went on growing thanks to artisans and merchants in-migration.

Smith argues that “without a considerable degree of de-urbanization no growth could have taken place” (130). He estimates the decline of urban at 18% (1700-1850). The urban population declined as neighbouring rural population was growing (Hiroshima –33%; the countryside +66%).

Proto-industrial Japan

The most commonly cited reason for the urban population decline was the development of rural trades and industries. The government tried to fight that trend, however ineffectively. The consequences of putting-out were often dramatic for the towns. The reasons evoked being: guild and municipal regulations and higher costs.

Towns also lost their monopoly on interregional exports (foodstuff) or imports (manufactured items). The phenomenon accelerated after 1750. Higher wages (for weavers for instance) appear to be the real engine of this town-to-country in-migration. Salaries in the country seem to have significantly higher (1840s).

The advantages of the country were the following: (1) nearer from raw material and waterpower, (2) close to growing rural market, (3) workers more authority-abiding (in the absence of real commercial legal system), (4) by-employment (farm + industry = lower wages), (5) less taxes and guilds’ regulations.

Consequences

Government was farming to urban merchants monopoly over some goods. But enforcement of these grants in the country was nearly impossible (most of the administration being local, the samurais having been relocated in the towns in the 17th century).

But in Japan (unlike Europe) there was no intercontinental trade, no port towns to develop. Significantly, when international trade was restored, population resumed growing.

If there is more work, why isn’t it more people? Somehow rural households incomes are kept close to subsistence level. As they remain partly dependent to farming the small size of the fields acts as a powerful check (abortion’s and infanticide’s rates also remained high). Besides, adoption didn’t force the peasants to have a male heir to inherit the land.

The reason why the towns’ population in the advanced areas decreased and not in the more backward one was because precisely advanced areas’ countryside had a comparative advantage (being close from consumption centres) that helped develop their proto-industries and checked the migration to the towns. Having no by-employment available, the backward countryside’s populations went on moving to the towns.

The result of the Japanese’s path to pre-modern growth was the shrinking of the urban bourgeoisie completely dominated by the military and administrative nobility (unlike Europe). Consequently, rural entrepreneurs became central figures in the island’s economy, a powerful class in itself, mightier than any town merchant. On the contrary of the later, the new comers are firmly opposed to any government’s regulation. Ultimately, they proved opposed to the closed hierarchical system of the shogunate that limited their growth. Rural uprisings ensued.

Aftermath

The government didn’t manage to profit from the pre-industrial growth because it failed to efficiently tax the countryside. The budget shrank and consequently the samurais grew poorer, weakening the whole Tokugawa system

This affected Japan’s first industrialization, as before the 1930s it was mainly centred on light industries (textile) produced by small, labour-inensive units of production with little bank or state direct action.

This was made possible by the fact that the work force shaped by proto-industry was rather skilful, ready to migrate and commercial networks pre-existed. This view seems supported by the fact that most of the modern industrialization took place in the place that had benefited the most from the proto-industrialization wave.

Discussion

The comparison is interesting, but the claim that only Europe and Japan had proto-industry is clueless, and the presentation of Japan as a completely close country has been revised now.

Introduction
According to development historians of the 1970s (Wallerstein) the causes of the non-western world backwardness after 1800 is to be found in the previous period (1450-1750) which saw the mercantile rise of capitalistic Europe. According to them, peripheries maintained labour control (slavery, serfdom) and were trapped in an unequal exchange with the core. Meanwhile Western Europe could develop a freer and more advanced economy thanks to the plunder of the peripheries (2).
Although he acknowledges the importance of having a global approach of every country’s history, he also dismisses the importance of intercontinental trade for the rise of the West (3).

Estimates
By the 1790s, 76% of European international trade was confined within Europe, 10 went to North America, 5 to South America and the Caribbean, 5 to Asia and 1 to Africa. By 1830, the non-European regions purchased 14% of Europe’s exports and produced 27% of its exports. By the end pf the 18th century the periphery imported around 20% of Europe’s exports and produced around 25% of its imports. These proportions ought to have been significantly smaller a century or two before. As the real upsurge in the Europeans’ consumption of colonial goods only started around 1650, it is obvious that over the early modern period Europe’s most important trading partner was itself.

Moreover, international trade was not very important at a country’s scale (around 4% of the continent’s GDP). Small maritime countries (Portugal, the Netherlands, Britain) may have had a higher ratio – around 20-25% by the 1750s (4). Nonetheless the impact of intercontinental trade on early modern Europe’s long-term growth cannot be automatically deemed minimal.

Accumulation and investment
Intercontinental trade may have been pivotal in Europe’s growth. In particular, it may have participated to the primary capital accumulation which fuelled Europe’s rise to supremacy after 1750. But its sheer size makes it at best unlikely that it would have had a critical role in the investment pool that financed the Industrial Revolution (I.R.) (5).

Yet the total share of intercontinental trade may have been of little importance. Being at the right place at the right moment may be what made it critical. Is it a chance that the country trading the most with the peripheries – Britain – was also the one that started the I. R. (6)? The benefits from the trade with the periphery may simply have fuelled the British run up before the I.R. But even then it is unlikely that the trade with the peripheries was able to generate much more than 15% of the capital invested during the I.R. (7).

Return rate
Another commonly shared idea amongst development historians is that intercontinental trade was particularly lucrative. Even though the rate of return over some voyages may have been particularly high, it was such a risky business that on the long-term the return rate ought to have been close from 10%. After 1650, the increased imports of tropical products caused their originally high prices to drop (8). Even the horrible slave trade (that precisely allowed the growth of the tropical trade by keeping the prices low) was too limited to be a significant cause of capital accumulation in Europe (9).

Hidden impact
The impact of the trade with the peripheries on specialisation of a skilled minority of the workforce (which would create an increase of productivity) was also limited. Not only quantitatively but also because it did not liberate European labour (tea and tobacco were not substitutes to European produce) and concentrated on consumer good, while the impact would have been more important had it been based on production factors (i.e. materials used to produce other goods) (10).

Trade with the peripheries did have some significant positive impact on the European economy (increased the market for Europe’s manufactured goods, maritime transportation services and financial services). New techniques (Indian cotton processing hardware) and new crops (potatoes, maize) were imported from the peripheries. New jobs were created on the boat or the plants meant to process tropical produce for European consumption (11). By 1841 (decades after the start of the I.R.) about 8% of Britain’s gross national product came from the processing of cotton and other imported tropical stuff, earlier this proportion might have been around 3 or 4% making it a noticeable share of the economy but hardly a critical one.

Bullion
The import of precious metals from the Americas had an important impact on Europe’s money supply. It helped to fuel the internal expansion of the European market after 1492. It also eased Europe’s trade with Asia (12). But it, at best, doubled Europe’s stock. Moreover the rise of fiat money (i.e. paper notes) may easily have replaced gold and silver in most cases (not mentioning debasement) (13).

The Baltic region is considered by the development historians as a semi-periphery. Unlike the rest of overseas trade, it was centred on strategic commodities (timber, iron). But its most important produce (grain) only covered 1 to 2% of the European consumption. True, this consumption was concentrated on some important point (Lisbon, Amsterdam, Genoa). But these imports price was almost entirely cover by the export of European manufactured goods to the Baltic as well as Europe-produced bullion. Had American bullion not been there, it is likely that Europe would have found something else to exchange for the goods of the Baltic (14).

Last chance
The only argument left for the importance of the American bullion is that it participated to inflation which in turn redistributed wealth from the urban workers to the elite which finally may have helped trigger the investments necessary for the I.R. to take place. But this is a long shot requiring many conditions that are not proven to have been there, and may have been as much a accelerant as an impediment (15). At best the American specie’s role would have been passive and subsidiary.

Conclusion
O’Brien accuses the development historian to blow out of proportion a situation that might be true at a micro level in some port towns such as Cadiz, Nantes or Bristol (16). He also uses a counterfactual argument, saying that if Britain had not been involved in intercontinental trade it would have lost as little as 7% of its investment capacities (17). As Braudel remarked, the European overseas trade was little more than the glittering superstructure of an economy mostly based on local commerce and production (18).

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Introduction

Coastal traffic (cabotage) was an essential component of the Old Regime’s “circulation economy”. Even in a port as important as Marseille in the 18th century, coastal traffic is a precious complement to long haul seafaring (2). In secondary ports, such as Saint-Tropez, 90% of ships entering the harbour were involved in petty coastal traffic. Most of the rest was also involved in coastal traffic but with more distant places (Italy, Spain, Levant).

Secondary ports, such as Martigues and Antibes, without either significant production or market, often had sizeable cabotage fleet used by larger ports to convey merchandizes around the region. That was how the Ligurian oil and fruits and the Languedoc wines reached Marseille to be re-exported and how the colonial products reach their consumers around the Mediterranean Basin. At times, cabotage ships were even used to supplies the armies marching along the coast (3).

Coastal traffic was thus closely integrated in international exchange networks using as well carts, river shipping and long haul ships. This “domestic maritime transport system” was also indicated for ad hoc operations, when major urban centres (Naples) needed grain, they were put to contribution. It was significantly cheaper than long haul navigation.

The short radius coastal traffic was intense and regular. Some ships made the trip between two same ports over 10 times a year. In Marseille, 28% of all ships entering the harbour were actually the same 7% captains coming in again and again (4).

Types of coastal traffic
The same ships could carry the same type of fret from and to the same destinations for years. Some ships and captains nearly never changed their routes or the type of product they were carrying. Petty transporters seem to have been highly specialised and were prevalent in lesser ports such as Saint Tropez.

Those reaching further such as Sète, Genoa or Longhorn, were integrated in circuits that could be more varied as – to avoid coming back empty – a captain could agree to sail to a port out of his way, as far as Naples. Finally, there was a “general purpose” coastal traffic, with no fixed rout, simply going wherever the trade required it all over the Basin (5).

In Marseille, coastal traffic never stopped. It was less intense during winter but the sea was never closed to navigation. There was also less traffic in March-April because the Rhone’s high season did not allow the important trade from Arles to reach Marseille. But each type of fret had its own seasonality depending on harvest, production period and commercial calendar (fairs). Typically, industrial cargo would take advantage of the agricultural products’ low season to be transported.

On the contrary, in lesser ports the seasonality was often clear. Most of them only knew a sustained activity from May to October. Some were even only open a few weeks a year (6).

The long distance coastal traffic to Syria or Egypt was intimately linked to the regional cabotage. Some captains worked a few years on a local circuit or route before sailing to the Levant. These trips to the Levant were not done in a straight line, but were a sort of tramping, called caravane, buying here and selling there whatever the captain could put his hands on. These voyages usually lasted two years and had been authorised by the Franco-Ottoman treaties of 1686-1688. In the Levant, captains carried Ottoman merchants’ fret, but they were also involved in credit operations (7).

Networks
The seaport system present in Provence was based on three types of places: consuming market, shipyards and re-export port. Marseille was all three. This intricate network allowed to overcome each place’s own shortage in a highly complementary fashion. A dozen of secondary ports as well as a wealth of lesser one completed that agile network centred on Marseille. This hierarchical and articulated system influenced the whole of the Northwestern Mediterranean Basin, triggering mutations as far as Calabria (rise of olive cultivation) and Valencia (commercial crop to feed Marseille’s soap factories).

This network also implied cross-financial relationship. Grasse’s industrialists would own cabotage ships in Cannes and those of Marseille would own some as far as Agde and Narbonne (8). Kinship was also very important, members of the same family could own several ships together. For instance, in 1778-9, four brothers represent alone 20% of Saint-Tropez’s traffic. Powerful families could decide to climb up the economic-social scale and move to a more significant port, the way several Saint-Torpez families did in the 18th century, thus creating a mighty elite diaspora in Marseille.

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Introduction

Recent historiography has insisted on the dynamism of West European manufactures at the eve of the Industrial Revolution. This was due to the multiplication of workshops, and – to a lesser extend – to new t